Lee Yu Kyung in Bangkok

Once upon a time, Thailand was a front runner (if not a ‘champion’) of freedom of expression and freedom of press in the region. It has witnessed, however, deteriorating freedom standard thus ‘missing’ freedom over the past decade, particularly during the years of political crisis, which has not been extinguished yet. The country has ranked at 153 out of 178 countries in 2010 for instance, according to the ‘Press Freedom Index’ issued by Reporters Sans Frontier (or RSF)

(Reminder : Thailand has enjoyed its rank at 59 out of 167 countries in 2004 to the same index by RSF. Its rank has been dramatically downgraded afterwards. And most of the time it has been behind neighboring Cambodia as well as Malaysia)

On one hand, self-censorship has become part of routine practice among media personnel and fear among grass roots choosing not to speak out has been prevailed. On the other hand, for a desperate bid to search for the missing freedom, a slow but gradual tendency has been also developed so that people have expressed their thoughts on sensitive issues, including lèse-majesté (or 112), which is considered to be misused targeting political opponents.

‘People Art for Freedom’ was one such attempt by several artists who have exhibited their works in collective. The exhibition was dedicated to Freedom and Awareness ; Freedom of a number of political prisoners, primarily including those in jailed for lèse-majesté, as well as of our own is being main focused in the event. The exhibition had taken place from Feb 21 till 28, 2013 at the Pridi Banomyong Institute at Sukhumvit soi 55 in Bangkok, Thailand. A dozen pictures from the exhibition collected as below.

@ People Art for Freedom / Bangkok, Thailand 2013 

@ People Art for Freedom / Bangkok, Thailand 2013

@ People Art for Freedom / Bangkok, Thailand 2013

@ People Art for Freedom / Bangkok, Thailand 2013

Amphon Tangnoppaku (aka ‘Uncle SMS’), who’s sentenced 20 years for sending 4 sms deemed to insult royal family, died out while in jail in 2012. @ People Art for Freedom / Bangkok, Thailand 2013

Thousands photos mosaic on Canvas.
(Artist : Karnt Thassanaphak) @ People Art for Freedom / Bangkok, Thailand 2013

Thousands photos mosaic on Canvas.
(Artist : Karnt Thassanaphak) @ People Art for Freedom / Bangkok, Thailand 2013

Thousands photos mosaic on Canvas.
(Artist : Karnt Thassanaphak) @ People Art for Freedom / Bangkok, Thailand 2013

Pridi Banomyong, a founder of Tammasat University, is a ‘revolutionary’ figure in Thai history. His initiative has led to replace absolute monarchy with constitutional monarchy. He also had involved in anti-Japanese resistance called Free Thai Movement during the World War II. The number ’2475′ is revolutionary year of 1932 in Thai calendar, when absolute monarchy collapsed.
@ People Art for Freedom / Bangkok, Thailand 2013

‘Try Arm’ is both sarcastic term of multinational underwear company Triumph and alternative brand for ‘fair trade fashion’. It is launched by Triumph Thailand labor union, which leaders were fired by the company years ago. The labor movement has actively involved in a campaign for freedom of expression having supported political prisoners in Thailand. @ People Art for Freedom / Bangkok, Thailand 2013

This work describes many aspects, among which is a tragic event of ‘October 6 1976′. In it students activists, who were protesting against the return of former military dictator named Thanom Kittikachorn, were accused of being ‘communists’ and were massacred on the campus of Tammassat University in Bangkok. The event has driven thousands of students to jungle forests joining guerrilla movement of Communist Party of Thailand (or CPT).
(Artist : Sitthiphorn Anthawonksa) @ People Art for Freedom / Bangkok, Thailand 2013

Ms.Sukanya Pruksakasemsuk (aka Joop Joop Joop), a wife of Somyot Pruksakasemsuk who’s sentenced 10 years for lèse-majesté (+ 1 more year), addressing at the opening ceremony. @ People Art for Freedom / Bangkok, Thailand 2013

Filed under: Photography, Thailand Tagged: 'Uncle SMS', Lese Majeste, October 6 1976, People Art, Pridi Banomyong, Somyot Pruksakasemsuk, Thailand

<Interview & Comments>

Sukunya Prueksakasemsuk, wife of Somyot Prueksakasemsuk – the lèse majesté convictee - 

As Somyot’s case to be brought to Appeal Court on April 1, stiff debate on the Printing Act predicted

by Lee Yu Kyung / Bangkok

She is gentle pretty, listening to patiently and soft spoken but articulates things while conversation. “I’m a hot temper, comparing to my husband” argued Ms. Sukunya Prueksakasemsuk however, wife of Somyot Prueksakasemsuk, who’s been in jail ever since he was arrested on April 30, 2011. It was days after he launched a petition campaign to collect 10,000 signatures required for a parliamentary review of the draconian lèse-majesté law.

Somyot  himself has become lèse majesté convictee afterward. On January 23, the Thai Criminal Court sentenced  him 11 years in prison including one year  for a defamation charge. The rest of ten years are for the two articles which are deemed to violate Article 112 (lèse-majesté). The life-long activist is now a decade-long prisoner. The verdict has provoked world-wide condemnations including European Union and prominent human rights organizations such as Human Rights Watch.

“Everyone said I should stop fighting and Somyot should plead guilty and wait royal pardon” said Sukunya. She admitted the fight the case of lèse majesté, which is often categorized as a matter of national security in Thailand, is not an easy task at all. Yet she, let alone Somyot, is determined to fight. When asked if she ever felt regret about Somyot’s decision to fight the case rather than seeking a royal pardon, she straightforwardly replied “No”.  “He hasn’t done anything wrong” she said.

Ms. Sukunya Prueksakasemsuk, wife of Somyot Prueksakasemsuk (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)

The two articles that brought criminal charge to Somyot were not written by him. But they appeared on by-weekly magazine ‘Voice of Thaksin’ in February and March editions in 2010, for which Somyot was an editor. On May 1^st 2010, Somyot has revealed that the author of the articles was Jakrapop Penkair, the former Prime Minister’s Office minister now living in exile. The Magazine has been forcibly shut down by the previous Democrat-led coalition government.

“Two articles were more like columns containing fictional contents. They were part of serial publication under the title of ‘Kom Kwan Kit’ (‘Think Sharp’). This column section was launched much earlier before Somyot assumed editor’s position in 2009. The writer for ‘Kom Kwan Kit’ was assigned to fill the column with his/her columns as a contributor. So, it wasn’t  touched off by editor whosoever including Somyot, who respects freedom of expression.”  Sukunya  detailed.

It is crucial to note that the nature of this kind of serial publication is more free-styled by the very author. Accordingly it has enjoyed much of the freedom of expression than the other pieces such as cover story or general news, which items are normally pre-discussed by executive board and commissioned to staff writers or so. Therefore, it’s not always presumable that the editor Somyot has an intention to publish those particular columns which are in trouble now. In fact he has insisted that he did not intend to publish.

Nevertheless, the Judge on January 23 has emphasized on Somyot’s responsibility as an editor. It was reminiscence of another lèse majesté case of Chiranuch Premchaiporn, a director of the alternative outlet Prachatai.com. She was found guilty for comments on website forum that she did not write, just but was lazy to delete.

“The accused is a journalist who had a duty to check the facts in these articles before publishing them. He knew the content defamed the monarchy but allowed their publication anyway”.

This is what The Judge for Somyot’s case stated.

Obviously, the verdict focused on ‘editor’s responsibility’ than that of the author, which indicates that the Judge intended to question ‘indirect accountability’.  But that is not stated in the ambiguous Article 112 at all. The Article 112 reads :

“Whoever defames, insults or threatens the King, Queen, the Heir-apparent or the Regent, shall be punished with imprisonment of three to fifteen years”

If the Judge wants to reason the conviction of Somyot based on ‘editor’s accountability’, then it may be more rational to apply the Printing Act to this case. Undeniably the Printing Act, which protects editor from being responsible for the others’ articles, is strongly relevant to Somyot’s case as long as the Court would insist yet again ‘editor’s accountability’ than the direct person to defame Royal Family. However this argument has been ignored by the Judge who has insisted that the Printing Act did not apply to lèse majesté charges.

Ms.Sukanya Pruksakasemsuk (aka Joop Joop Joop), a wife of Somyot Pruksakasemsuk who’s sentenced 10 years for lèse-majesté (+ 1 more year), addressing at the opening ceremony. @ People Art for Freedom / Bangkok, Thailand 2013 / Photo by Lee Yu Kyung

“It’s like there is no law proper to charge Somyot, when it comes to editor’s role. If there’s no law, then you cannot charge anyone. This is guaranteed by our Constitution” said Sukunya.

In that regard, the Article 39 of Thai Constitution 2007 could be valued as it states :

“No person shall be inflicted with a criminal punishment unless he or she has committed an act which the law in force at the time of commission provides to be an offense and imposes a punishment, and the punishment to be inflicted on such a person shall not be heavier than that provided by the law in force at the time of committing the offense. The suspect or the accused in a criminal case shall be presumed innocent. Before passing of a final judgement convicting a person for committing an offense, such a person shall not be treated as a convict”.

Somyot has decided to bring his trial to the Appeal Court with a new lawyer Vasant Panich. Vasant  Panich, the former National Human Rights commissioner, will submit more evidences and call for more witnesses coming Monday (April 1) while seeking a bail out Somyot, whose bail was rejected for 13 times.

According to the Nation report on Thursday, Vasant  Panich was described as a staunch critic of Thaksin Shinawatra. But the lawyer said in that report that his decision to represent Somyot was a matter of principle, as he believed the man is innocent and should at least be granted bail. He was quotes as saying :

“I may disagree with many things related to Thaksin, but people can think differently”.

He further went on to say that he does not see anything that violates the lèse majesté in the articles.

Whether or not the new lawyer was a staunch critic of Thaksin, what the lawyer said in the Nation report signals that the Somyot’s case, which probably was politically motivated in the first place, has a turning point to uphold fundamental values of human rights and freedom of expression.

“It would be even more bitter if he gives up, because he is a person who has committed to democracy and human rights for his whole life. He has a strong spirit. No matter how long he may have to stay in prison..11 years or 15 years or.., it’s neither acceptable for him to give up, nor impossible” Sukunya  articulated.

‘Respect My Vote’ has become a nation-wide campaign in Thailand, where electoral democracy has been threatened many times for many years. Sure majority population want to continue the country’s democratization, while sure minority empowered by various elements have been attempting to grab others’ rights by blocking polling process, by threatening would-be voters in the name ‘Reform Before Election’. ‘Reform’? Which, once upon a time was called ‘New politics’, never was elaborated other than upsetting democratically elected administration by ‘People’s Council-Unelected’ or the kind. ‘Corruption (by Thaksin only)’ has become their cliché. The 2 February 2014, the day of snap election, has witnessed aunties, uncles, grandma-and-pa have come out to chant ‘election’ and ‘respect my vote’ as they were moving back and forth near the polling station, to where they eagerly want to get in to exercise their rights. It was blocked, then the poll was cancelled thanks to ‘reformative’ mob and inactive state agencies. Rights have been stolen in broad daylight. Here are grim scenes from Din Daeng, which has been often engulfed by political turmoils in Bangkok, Thailand.

태국내 ‘내 투표(권)를 존중하라’ 캠페인이 확산되고 있다. 반정부 시위대에 의해 투표권을 위협 혹은 봉쇄당한 다수 유권자들이 ‘피크닉 데이’를 선포하고 거리’축제’를 즐기는 시위대를 향해 외친다. ‘당신들이 투표안할 권리가 있다면 나는 투표할 권리가 있다고’. 앞만 보고 가도 더디기만 한 민주화 과정이 ‘개혁’과 ‘혁명’의 이름으로, ‘탁신온니 부패’를 구실 삼아, 엎치기를 당해온 지난 8년은 이제, 어쩌면, 더이상 반복되지 않을지 모른다.

All rights reserved © Lee Yu Kyung 2014

An elderly woman is showing her ID card in a frustration as she could not vote thanks to anti-government protesters (or PDRC) in Din Daeng, Bangkok. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Would-be voters in Din Daeng, Bangkok ‘intruded’ into the district office to demand polling process to re-open. Dozens of anti-government protesters (or PDRC) mostly its ‘guards’ have blocked the polling station which then was followed by cancellation of the poll. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Would-be voters in Din Daeng, Bangkok ‘intruded’ into the district office to demand polling process to re-open. Dozens of anti-government protesters (or PDRC) mostly its ‘guards’ have blocked the polling station which then was followed by cancellation of the poll. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Would-be voters in Din Daeng, Bangkok ‘intruded’ into the district office to demand polling process to re-open. Dozens of anti-government protesters (or PDRC) mostly its ‘guards’ have blocked the polling station which then was followed by cancellation of the poll. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Would-be voters in Din Daeng, Bangkok ‘intruded’ into the district office to demand polling process to re-open. Dozens of anti-government protesters (or PDRC) mostly its ‘guards’ have blocked the polling station which then was followed by cancellation of the poll. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Would-be voters in Din Daeng, Bangkok ‘intruded’ into the district office to demand polling process to re-open. Dozens of anti-government protesters (or PDRC) mostly its ‘guards’ have blocked the polling station which then was followed by cancellation of the poll. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Would-be voters in Din Daeng, Bangkok ‘intruded’ into the district office to demand polling process to re-open. Dozens of anti-government protesters (or PDRC) mostly its ‘guards’ have blocked the polling station which then was followed by cancellation of the poll. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Would-be voters in Din Daeng, Bangkok ‘intruded’ into the district office to demand polling process to re-open. Dozens of anti-government protesters (or PDRC) mostly its ‘guards’ have blocked the polling station which then was followed by cancellation of the poll. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Would-be voters in Din Daeng, Bangkok has destroyed the stage of anti-government protesters (or PDRC) in a frustration that PDRC has blocked the polling station, to where voters were eagerly want to get in to exercise their rights. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Another coup was declared on May 22, 2014 in Thailand. Yet it’s immediately defied by brave citizens in a few cities and provinces across the country for the past consecutive days. Honestly, I got fed up with street protest in Bangkok, particularly the one ‘defying’ the most peaceful & democratic solution for this conflict : Election.

And this time around when the country is forced to embrace yet another coup under the gun point, anti-coup protest -still calling the election – should be ever seriously taken as I see this is really the last ‘fat chance’ not to lead the country to further bloodshed. Or, Perhaps too late, I’m afraid.

5월 22일 19번째 쿠테타가 선포된 태국의 주요 도시에서는 쿠테타 반대 시위가 하루도 빠지지 않고 벌어지고 있습니다. 5명 이상 집회 금지 규율을 거부하고 방콕에서는 몇십명, 몇백명은 기본이고 거의 천명 가까이 시위를 벌이기도 합니다. ‘이들은’ 여전히 선거를 하자고 합니다. 가장 평화적이고 민주적인 방식, 선거를 왜 ‘저들은’ 자꾸 뒤엎는 걸까요? 인내심이 한계에 도달한 듯한 시위대의 모습에서 이번 쿠테타가 마지막이 될지도 모른다는 생각이 듭니다.

Penseur21 / All rights reserved © Lee Yu Kyung 2014

Anti-Coup protest in Bangkok, Thailand on May 22, 2014
(Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Anti-Coup protest in Bangkok, Thailand on May 22, 2014
(Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Anti-Coup protest in Bangkok, Thailand on May 22, 2014
(Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Anti-Coup protest in Bangkok, Thailand on May 22, 2014
(Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Anti-Coup protest in Bangkok, Thailand on May 22, 2014
(Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Anti-Coup protest in Bangkok, Thailand on May 22, 2014
(Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Anti-Coup protesters threw bunch of bananas to soldiers with whom they  confronted in Bangkok, Thailand on May 22, 2014
(Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

A soldier tried to prevent me from taking picture of him as anti-coup protest was being held in Bangkok, Thailand on May 22, 2014
(Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Anti-Coup protest in Bangkok, Thailand on May 22, 2014
(Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Anti-Coup protest in Bangkok, Thailand on May 22, 2014
(Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Military forces at the site of anti-Coup protest in Bangkok, Thailand on May 22, 2014
(Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Military forces at the site of anti-coup protest in Bangkok, Thailand on May 22, 2014
(Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Anti-Coup protest in Bangkok, Thailand on May 22, 2014
(Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

The October 6 Massacre has marked 38th anniversary in Thailand. It was commemorated by handful of citizens and activists in Tammasat University in Bangkok on Monday. I never knew any perpetrator who has been brought to justice. No justice, history being repeated.

1976년 10월 6일, 태국 탐마삿 대학과 인근 사남루앙 광장에서는 학살이 있었다. 그 3년전 민주항쟁으로 쫓겨난 군부독재자 타놈 끼띠카쫀의 귀국을 반대하는 시위가 확산되던 때였다. 군부와 극우 민병대의 손에 수십명 혹은 수백명이 죽었고, 수천명의 학생들은 정글로 피신하여 무장 투쟁중이던 타이공산당(CPT)에 가담했다. 아무도 처벌받지 않은 학살 후 38년, 태국은 또 다시 군정치하다. 소수가 참여한 기념행사 주변에는 다수의 거북하고도 불편한 침묵이 흐르고 있다.

Bangkok, Thailand / All rights reserved © Lee Yu Kyung 2014

October 6 Massacre, 38th ‘혹 뚤라’ 탐마삿 학살 38주년 (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

October 6 Massacre, 38th ‘혹 뚤라’ 탐마삿 학살 38주년 (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Ajarn Sulak Sivaraksa, on speech in commemoration of the October 6 Massacre 술락 시바락사, 사회 원로 운동가
(Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Activist, who once read The Book defying The Coup
쿠테타 저항 ‘독서투쟁’ 으로 유명해진 청년 (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Cultural event in commemoration of the October 6 massacre at Tammasat University
‘혹 뚤라’ 탐마삿 학살 기념 문화행사 (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Ajarn Prachak Kongkirati at the seminar in commemoration of the October 6 massacre. I think he’s among the few brave given the ‘shut-up-your-mouth’ order from Big Bro & Co.
‘혹 뚤라’ 탐마삿학살 38주년 기념 세미나. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Questions at the seminar in commemoration of the October 6 massacre
‘혹 뚤라’ 탐마삿 학살 38주년 기념 세미나 청중 질문 (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Raise your finger to ask. No question, No progress
‘혹 뚤라’ 탐마삿 학살 38주년 기념 세미나 청중 질문 (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

October 6 Massacre Memorial, R.I.P
‘혹 뚤라’ 탐마삿 학살 기념비 (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

October 6 Massacre Memorial, R.I.P
‘혹 뚤라’ 탐마삿 학살 기념비 (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

October 6 Massacre Memorial, R.I.P
‘혹 뚤라’ 탐마삿 학살 기념비(Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

October 6 Massacre Memorial, R.I.P
‘혹 뚤라’ 탐마삿 학살 기념비 (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Note : The article below was first filed and published late December 2014. 

 Lee Yu Kyung in Sumut Prakan and Bangkok, Thailand

Samut Prakan is at the verge of Bangkok’s south east. Factories and workers as well as crocodile farm and golf course are featured in the province. There, I traveled to Wat (“temple”) Bang Hua Suan where I met 55 year old woman Aree Chaimongkul in late November in 2014. She hurriedly showed me three pictures of her son, who was not any more.

Surakrit Chaimonkul (36) died in prison. He was accused of gunning down anti-election activist on January 26 2014. He denied all charges. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

“My son was healthy. But he was very scared of being in prison. He said he didn’t want to be transferred to ‘Unit 4’”

The man in the pictures bore several bruises marks which looked bit dug.

“I heard bruises were probably resulted from electrocution.”  A lawyer told me quoting an unnamed doctor.

“But it’s not sure whether the torture was decisive factor of death” he added.

Surakrit Chaimongkol, Aree’s 36 year old son, was died inside the Bangkok’s Remand Prison on August 28. Director of the Corrections Department Wittaya Suriyawong reportedly said Mr. Surakrit had sudden asthma attack in the morning. Prison doctor Sorasith Chongcharoen mentioned of diabetes. However, there was different observation by Dr. Salaktam Tojirakarn, who participated in Surakrit’s autopsy. He talked of ‘massive internal bleeding in the stomach’ might have caused Surakrit’s death. Although prison authority claimed that inmates never were subjected to torture or beating, Aree has suspected that her son died of physical attack. She had insisted not to cremate her son’s body until truth would be revealed. However, cremation eventually took place on November 30 without truth revealed yet.

Aree Chaimonjul (55), mother of Surakrit who died in prison, was praying at the son’s funeral. She insisted not to cremate son’s body, but cremation was eventually done on November 30. (© Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Suspicions on prison death

Surakrit, taxi driver, was a Red Shirts supporter who advocates an electoral democracy. He was accused of gunning down Suthin Tharatin, anti-election activist, on January 26 2014 – a week before the election that the then Yingluck administration was hopeful to win. The advance vote was being processed on that day amid turmoil created by opponents in several locations including Bang Na district of Bangkok – next door to Samut Prakan. While Suthin’s mob staged in the district, unknown assailant shot him. Suthin died on the spot. Surakrit , who was arrested in July 8 as a suspect, denied all charges.

A supporter of PDRC (People’s Democratic Reform Committee) – latest version of “Yellow Shirts” – made a condolence to Suthin Tharatin, who was gunned down by assailant while he led mob to disturb advance voting process on January 26 2014. (© Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Activists from PDRC (People’s Democratic Reform Committee) – latest version of “Yellow Shirts” were yelling and threatening at dozens of residents who were trying to walk towards polling station on February 2nd in Bangkok. PDRC’s 7 months long- occupation on the street of Bangkok has been led to Military coup on May 22. (© Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Aree visited her son on August 21, 7 days before Surakrit died. Surakrit was then prisoned in ‘Unit 1’ of Remand Prison. ‘Unit 1’ is for those who first arrived at prison and largely are not yet convicted.  Aree said her son was depressed as he was told to be transferred to ‘Unit 4’, which is manned by long term prisoners including mafia-like figures.

“He asked me to hurry to bail him out. Otherwise he would be killed in the prison”

Bail was denied and Aree got a call in the morning of August 28 that her son died in ‘Unit 4’. It’s not clear whether he died of probable torture while interrogation, beaten up by inmates or disease.

Bangkok Remand Prison, wherein Surakrit Chaimongkul(36) died. (© Lee Yu Kyung 2010)

Surakrit Chaimonkul (36) died in prison. Pictures of his body have shown some bruise marks. It’s not clear whether he died of probably torture during the interrogation, beating by inmates or disease. (© Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

There’s a growing concern over ‘political prisoners’ like Surakrit when they are mixed up with others inmates, given deeply plagued political conflict in the country. Thai Lawyer’s for Human Rights (TLHR), which was established on May 24 two days after the coup, has asked director of Bangkok Remand Prison on October 30 that political prisoners who have not been convicted yet should be separated from other convictees.

Nevertheless, the Junta has started to dismantle Laksi prison or “Prison for Political Prisoners” since mid-July, sending inmates to different jails. Laksi Prisoners were exclusively Red Shirts, who have been in jail since bloody crackdown in 2010. In January 2012, Yingluck government, the elected one thanks to Red Shirts’ supports previous year, has institutionalized recommendations made by National Reconciliation Commission. One of them was not to mix up political prisoners with other inmates. The Junta however has turned over everything of this by issuing order no.402 on November 4^th to close Laksi Prison.

“It costs a million baht to run Laksi prison in separate” said Justice minister Gen. Paibun Kumchaya.

Climate of ‘more’ fear for political prisoners   

“I haven’t got any torture. It’s probably because I’m the editor of legally published magazine. But what I heard is that those who have been accused of possession of arms or involved in political violence, they might have been exposed to physical torture”

Thanapol Easakyul (41), Editor of ‘Same Sky’ Journal (© Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Thanapol Easakyul, the 41 year-old editor of Same Sky Journal, said. Thanapol had been twice detained by the Junta. First one came when he protested against the Coup on May 23, a day after the Coup.

“When the army asked me to sign MOU for a condition of release, I did it without reading as there are many things I should do outside”

But the release accompanied with a warning in a shudder.

“They said they released me this time without harsh measure, but warned that they would ‘use violence’ if I again criticize the coup or post anything (on Facebook) deemed to be offence of lese majeste”

Thanapol hardly stopped his vocal voice, which had brought him to second detention. On July 5^th a middle-ranked soldier ‘invited’ him for a coffee. As they met, the soldier handed him over to 2^nd Cavalry Division in SanamPao district in Bangkok. The Army said they are not happy with his posting on Facebook.

Thanapol Easakyul, the editor of ‘Same Sky’ Journal, installed a booth at Bangkok’s Book Fair late October to exhibit and sell books as well as his highly critical magazine. (© Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

“It was different from the first detention, during which I was treated well along with other detainees such as politicians and journalists. But in second detention, I was watched 24 hours in CCTV installed-small room. I couldn’t use my mobile unlike previous time. I started to feel pressured” he said.

After 5 days, Thanapol signed MOU again to be released. That hasn’t gagged him who still raised his critical voice. Late October, when Bangkok’s Book Fair held, he installed a booth to exhibit and sell books and his highly critical magazine. What was more? There’re T-shirts, which the authority warned not to sell because design of them deemed to be a violation of lese majeste.

Detained for posting on Facebook

As 7 months has gone by after the Coup, apparent clam on the street of Bangkok prevails. The anti-coup camp has been completely silenced, but dissent voices and gossiping of royal family on SNS is in full swing which would wreck the nerves of the old establishment including the military. According to recent report by Freedom House in the US, Thailand internet is less free than Myanmar. The Junta does not recognized opponents nor doesn’t existence of political prisoners. Martial law, which authorizes 7 days detention without charge, is still alive. The case of Surakrit and the one of Thanopol are partial reflection of deteriorating situation in Thailand.

According to Thai Lawyers for Human Rrights(TLHR), the Junta has summoned 571 for the first 100 days since the Coup. Of them, 80 are detained unknown place and denied to have visitors. As of mid-September, some 14 detainees claimed to have got tortured. The statistic afterwards has not been yet materialized.

It was Kritsuda Kunasen, a Red Shirts activist, who has first claimed about torture during the army’s detention. Since her arrest, no word was heard of her whereabouts for 29 days causing fear of ‘enforced disappearance’. When she appeared together with her boyfriend on TV surrounded by soldiers in June, she astonished public by saying she was happy in detention and wanted to be detained longer. Yet the ‘happiness remarks’ were reversed in August, when she reappeared on ‘Thai Voice Media’ which is run by an exiled Thai journalist. She, now in exile, has described her torture of being stripped, blindfolded and bathed by someone else – believe to be woman though. And she was suffocated with plastic bag, which is routine torture tool in Thailand. Mr. Sihasak Pusangketkeow, permanent Secretary of Minister of Foreign Affairs refuted her claim terming “misunderstanding”, “inadequate information” without details of counter explanation.

In comparison to the civilian court, the military court have tried only five lese majeste cases since 2010, but as many as four cases were tried in camera. (Source : iLaw)

On average military courts have passed out jail sentences for lese majeste twice as high as civilian courts. (Courtesy : iLaw)

Prachatai, the independent media, has also carried out its exclusive story of torture for detainees. Among them was Chatchawan Prabamrung, the 45 year-old mechanic. He has claimed to be beaten by two masked men for 4 hours. Then he was taken to basement, where “an electric wire wrapped in absorbent cotton with tied to his genitals while another wire was inserted into his anus”. An officer once put a pistol into his mouth, he said. This made him force to ‘confess’.

Electrocute on anus   

“It’s like the early days of Southern insurgency a decade ago. Back then, we had to demand the army to reveal where they detained suspects. Now we are asking the same in Bangkok and elsewhere, while the army in the South informs the family detainees’ location at least.” Pawinee Chumsri, the human rights lawyer who has been active in Southern issue said.

Nacha Kong-Udom, student activist gave an interview on the spot as dozens of activists tried to gather near Democracy Monument in Bangkok on November 23. Nacha was arrested multiple times and released in repeat. One such occasion was when she did ‘three finger salute’ at the cinema screening ‘Hunger Game’ in November. Three fingers salute has become a symbol of resistance against authoritarian rule in Thailand. And now it’s banned. (© Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Bangkok is arguably worse than insurgency-hit south when it comes to ‘judicial justice’. In the South civilians are not tried at the military court, but in Bangkok such trials have been seen. This is not because of martial law, but because of the Junta’s order no.37, issued on May 25.

According to the order, those who gathered more than 5, those who defy the Junta’s summon, those who violated criminal code 116 which offense is linked to treason, and the criminal code 112 – the infamous lese majeste charge – are to be brought to the military court. As of mid-October, according to TLHR, 69 cases out of 102 political cases are on military court while 33 cases are in civilian court.

Nut Rungwong, editor of Thai E-News, was recently sentenced to 4 years and half at the Military Court after half reduced from the original sentence as he pleaded guilty. He was convicted of lese majeste for the article published 5 years ago. The Junta vowed it would transfer lese majeste cases pending on civilian court to the military court. It also announced on November 13 that lese majeste would be tried in a camera. iLaw – the justice NGO, which has monitored closely the lese majeste cases, has said 80% of the cases brought to the military court were tried in camera. iLaw also analyzed that sentence for lese majeste convictees after the coup got two times more than under the civilian government.

For a last blow, the article 36 and article 61 of Military Court Act has prohibited appeal court. The process of investigation and conviction is under total control of military officer and judge. Out of three judges at the military court, only one holds law background. High risk weighs on the 26 suspects of ‘Khon Kaen Model’ plot, whom the military court has been trying for 9 charges including ‘terrorism act’ that can be led to death sentence. Although 24 out of 26 defendants were released on bail as of December 22 on the ground of their poor health, charges and trial process are not affected.

A soldiers near Democracy Monument in Bangkok was checking Social Network System (or SNS) as there’s attempt for gathering by handful of activists to support for students, who were arrested days ago for ‘three finger salute’ at the cinema screening ‘Hunger Game’. Three fingers salute has become a symbol of resistance against authoritarian rule in Thailand. And now it’s banned. (© Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Student activists and human rights lawyer together sang a song at a small gathering near Democracy Monument on November 23. Students were among those who were arrested ‘three finger salute’ at the cinema screening ‘Hunger Game’ in November. Three fingers salute has become a symbol of resistance against authoritarian rule in Thailand. And now it’s banned. (© Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

“Our team of lawyers didn’t hear any torture claim from 26 defendants. But we absolutely denied terrorism charges. The defendants, mostly farmers and casual workers (in Khon Kaen province) aged between 40s and 70s, have no criminal records or such. It’s not true that defendants brought weapons of war to prepare armed rebellion. In fact we don’t know the origin of weapons that were displayed at a press conference.”

Winyat Chartmontri, the lawyer from Free Thai Legal Aid (FTLA) representing defendants, wrote in an email interview. Now, priority for the lawyers is to transfer this case from Military court to civilian court for fair trial.

No appeal at Military court

Oppression in Isaan – the country’s North East, to where Khon Kaen is belongs – seems more serious. It’s known that the Junta hardly issue any official document to summon people but arrested in secret or raid on the spot. The covert operation has not been excluded in Bangkok, nonetheless. Sirot (name changed), who’s been active on-line forum for years, was one of those who was called in unofficial. He fled the country out of fear.

“I received a call from unknown person who told me to report to the army camp in person. The tone was threatening” He said on the phone. Days later, Sirot received a mail containing death threat, warning to stop posting lese majeste relevant.

“By then, I felt truly threatened. I moved to parents’ place, where I kept staying low profile. I haven’t been out unless urgent. After a month, I flew here and applied political asylum”

Sirot, who has never participated Red Shirts rally, is now having regular meeting with Red Shirts activists who are in exile in the same country. He couldn’t stand by idle as the military has overthrown elected government multiple times. “That’s why I joined the campaign ‘Respect My Vote’ early this (2014) year” he said.

Ake Ottagon (34) at ‘Respect My Vote’ campaign early this year. He was shouting “Respect My Vote!” at a press conference by Democrats – the party associated with conservatives and has a history of boycotting election. Since his slogan has become campaign for democracy. (© Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

‘Respect  My Vote’ campaign was ignited early January 2014 by Ake Ottagon (34), who shouted “Respect My Vote!” at a press conference by Democrats, the party being associated with conservatives having a history of  election boycot. At the evening of November 23, Ake Ottagon has showed up near Democracy Monument in Bangkok. Handful of citizens had gathered to show their support for students, who were arrested days ago for ‘three finger salute’ at the cinema screening ‘Hunger Game’. Three fingers salute has become a symbol of resistance against authoritarian rule in Thailand. And now it’s banned.

“It is people who own this land. Those who wielding power will be judged by people and their power will be waning”

Ake said in an interview on the spot, where soldiers around were watching. Given the intimidating circumstance, he admitted he was afraid.

“Yes, I am. (Because) they may try to catch me”

The article was published here in English and here in Korean

It was ‘FOUR’, who were arrested by police in Bangkok on February 14 (fell on Valentine Day) for their peaceful protest against the Junta. The arrestees were student activists and a human rights lawyer combined. They are the ones who constantly have been raising their voices and fingers in different occasions for the past 9 months under the incumbent Junta. This time, focus was on the ‘Stolen Election’ referring to the one held a year ago amid turmoils including shooting and blockade created by activists from People’s Democractic Reform Committee (or PDRC) – the latest version of “yellow shirts”. The ‘stealing’ process was completed when the military staged the coup on May 22 2014. Democracy, demised for the time being.

Why do I bother ‘FOUR’ in the first place..?  Reason is simple.

According to Prachatai report :

“Police at Pathumwan Police Station charged them with violating NCPO -the Junta- Order No. 7/2014 which prohibits a political public gathering of more than five people. People who violate this order face a jail term of up to one year and a fine of up to 20,000 baht or both.

People who are living in Thailand, both Thais and foreigners, are well aware of this ‘Order’ that has been effectively preventing any gathering from being organized by more than five, NOT FOUR.

The Valentine Day’s arrest has reportedly attracted dozens more people on the spot supporting the Four. The overreact deemed unlimited by arresting the Four hence makes non sense at all, nor does have a regulated ground provided by the very authority, Thai military.

The episode led me to recalling back in late November last year, meanwhile. There was similar attempt for gathering which was cautiously organized and participated by lawyers, student activists and individual activists affiliated with Red Shirts. Near Democracy Monument in Bangkok on November 23, less than two dozens of people lit candles which lights were shimmering and simmering on that dark night. Every movement of people then was flashed and watched by solders and police nearby. I immediately titled the gathering ‘Brave Lights’. Here are some pictures of Brave Lights of the night.

All rights reserved © Lee Yu Kyung 2014

Men in uniform were present at the supposed venue for gathering before any participant arrived (© Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

A soldiers near Democracy Monument, the supposed venue for the gathering, was frequently checking Social Network System (or SNS). The planned gathering aimed to support for students, who were arrested days ago for ‘three finger salute’ at the cinema screening ‘Hunger Game’. Three fingers salute has become a symbol of resistance against authoritarian rule in Thailand. And now it’s banned. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Natchacha Khongudum is well known student activist for her three fingers salute at the cinema screening ‘Hunger Game’. Three fingers salute has become a symbol of resistance against authoritarian rule in Thailand. And now it’s banned. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Lights were shimmering (© Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

One of the participants was Phayao Akhard, mother of the late nurse Kamdked Akhard, who was among six shot dead at Wat Pathum Wannaram during the 2010 bloody crackdown. (© Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Participants were sitting together for a picnic-like event to avoid being named ‘protesters’. (© Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Ake Ottagone was talking to media. He is a pioneer of the campaign called ‘Respect My Vote’ as he was shouting “Respect My Vote!” at a press conference by Democrats, the party associated with conservatives and has a history of boycotting election in January 2014. (© Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

One of the participants holding rose to support for students, who were arrested days ago for ‘three finger salute’ at the cinema screening ‘Hunger Game’. Three fingers salute has become a symbol of resistance against authoritarian rule in Thailand. And now it’s banned. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Ratthapol Supasopon was one of the student activists released after short detention as he staged a protest by three finger salute as well. (© Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Student activists and human rights lawyer sang a song at a small gathering near Democracy Monument on November 23. Students were among those who were arrested ‘three finger salute’ at the cinema screening ‘Hunger Game’ in November. Three fingers salute has become a symbol of resistance against authoritarian rule in Thailand. And now it’s banned. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Men in uniform at the scene (© Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Having observed two consecutive events of International Women’s Day held in Bangkok on 7 and 8 March respectively, women in Thailand are confirmed leading forces for Democracy and Fundamental Rights. Classic.

Women in Thailand are seen at every sector, every corner in the society. Active, qualified, vocal (sometimes, really loud) and also in-charge of bread earning in BUNCH of cases. Paradoxically, however, women are less voiced at the level of policy-making process. 

Personally, one of the unforgettable memories was the moment when I first saw the inner scene of Parliament many years ago. It was indeed male dominant. Little shocked. But soon to realize..that was another classic. Women, unless hi-so or heritaged unusual power Or highly well educated, probably invisibly marginalized and sexually distorted in-image and exploited in-depth.

Worrisome nowadays is, trained-to-be machos in uniform want XXs and their allies to shut up more and more. To be marginalized further? Well, depends. I think.

Here are several shots of the two events on the occasion of International Women’s Day 2015. My humble tribute for you, XX.

Pu-Ing, Su Su!!

All rights reserved © Lee Yu Kyung 2015

Rehearse or Practice. International Womens’ Day in Bangkok, 2015 (© Lee Yu Kyung 2015)

Is not..Is not…’Tom’ refers to masculine women, often lesbian (© Lee Yu Kyung 2015)

Say No to Violence against Women. International Womens’ Day in Bangkok, 2015 (© Lee Yu Kyung 2015)

Inclusive. International Womens’ Day in Bangkok, 2015 (© Lee Yu Kyung 2015)

Gender Justice, Colorful. International Womens’ Day in Bangkok, 2015 (© Lee Yu Kyung 2015)

Colorful & Diverse. International Womens’ Day in Bangkok, 2015 (© Lee Yu Kyung 2015)

Women’s Day in ‘October spirit’. A Seminar on the occasion of International Women’s Day held in October 14 Memorial. Bangkok, 2015 (© Lee Yu Kyung 2015)

Among the panelists of Women’s Day seminar in Bangkok were Nacha Kongudom, who’s famous with her ‘three fingers salute’ at the cinema screening Hunger Game and Phayao Akhard, mother of Kamdked Akhard – the nurse who was killed during the 2010 bloody crackdown. (© Lee Yu Kyung 2015)

‘Happyness’ Discourse. International Women’s Day in Bangkok, 2015 (© Lee Yu Kyung 2015)

Ballot Box on the Street. International Women’s Day in Bangkok, 2015 (© Lee Yu Kyung 2015)

Election shouted, การเลือกตั้ง, International Women’s Day in Bangkok, 2015 (© Lee Yu Kyung 2015)

 

Hua Hin, located a few hours drive away from Bangkok, Thailand, it’s a noble city that is relatively immune from hustle bustle. Being granted exploring Mondayish wave, a friend and I together but apart made strong souls’ walk. Woman putting into the wave, children running the sand wave, man flying over the wave and I purported to contemplate the wave.

All rights reserved © Lee Yu Kyung

Woman, Street, Hua Hin, Thailand (© Lee Yu Kyung)

Woman, Beach, Hua Hin, Thailand (© Lee Yu Kyung)

Man, Wave, Hua Hin, Thailand (© Lee Yu Kyung)

Children, Sand wave, Hua Hin, Thailand (© Lee Yu Kyung)

Waman, Wave, Hua Hin, Thailand (© Lee Yu Kyung)

Dinner, Bungalow, Hua Hin, Thailand (© Lee Yu Kyung)

Women, Distance, Hua Hin, Thailand (© Lee Yu Kyung)

She, Stance, Hua Hin, Thailand (© Lee Yu Kyung)

Collection, Theirs, Hua Hin, Thailand (© Lee Yu Kyung)

Calendar, Theirs, Hua Hin, Thailand (© Lee Yu Kyung)

레드 기획  / 제1058호  2015.04.22

동성혼 합법화 논의 주도하는 아시아 두 나라의 딜레마… 베트남 2012년 ‘다른 방향’ 없는 체제 덕에 동성혼 금지 조항 폐지, 타이 지난 1월 군정 의회에서 ‘제3의 성’ 신헌법에 넣겠다 밝혀

최근 타이 방콕에서 개최된 성소수자 관련 국제행사 뒤풀이 (© Lee Yu Kyung 2015)

사이몬(47)과 노이(43)는 타이 방콕 시내 고급 주택가에 사는 게이 커플이다. 두 사람 모두 남부럽지 않은 직장에서 고수익을 올리는 이른바 ‘하이소’(Hi-Society·상류층)다.

영국에서 온 사이몬에게 물었다. 15년간 타이에 살면서 성소수자로서 차별을 느껴본 적이 있는지. “아무리 생각해도 여긴 정말 관용적”이란다. 굳이 하나 들자면 ‘섹스 투어리즘’ 편견 때문에 (나이차가 좀 났던) 전 파트너와 관계가 약간 어려웠다고. 둘은 헤어졌다. 그리고 사이몬은 5년 전 노이를 만났다.

노이, 고향 치앙마이에서 대학 강사를 하다 외국 대사관 근무를 거쳐 지금은 외국계 비정부기구(NGO)에서 일한다. “집안에 동성 커플이 있어선지 거부감이 별로 없었”단다. “맞아, 노이 이모님이 레즈비언이셔!” 사이몬이 맞장구를 쳤다.

사이몬(오른쪽)과 노이는 영국-타이 게이 커플이다. 두 사람은 2년 전 베트남 주재 영국대사관에서 ‘시민연대’ 절차를 밟아 공식 커플이 됐다. 그러나 영국법으로만 보호받을 뿐 이들이 살고 있는 타이에서는 아무런 보호 장치가 없다. (© Lee Yu Kyung 2015)

두 사람은 2년 전 ‘시민연대’(Civil Union·법률혼에서 배제되는 성소수자에게 파트너십을 인정해주는 제도) 커플이 됐다. 절차를 밟은 곳은 베트남 주재 영국대사관. 영연방 네 곳 중 영국과 웨일스가 지난해 3월부터 동성혼을 합법화했으나, 이들이 등록할 당시에는 ‘시민연대’만 가능했다. 당시 영국 정부는 ‘시민연대 절차 가능’ 대사관 위치를 공지했다. 타이에는 없었다.

동성혼 합법화가 지구적 추세라지만 아시아는 여전히 탐탁잖은 분위기다. 아시아에서 동성 파트너십을 인정한 국가로는 동성 간 사실혼을 인정하는 이스라엘이 있다. 아·태권에선 뉴질랜드와 오스트레일리아의 일부 주에서 동성 파트너십을 인정한다. 4월1일 일본 도쿄 시부야구가 자치단체 재량으로 파트너십 인정의 돌파구를 열었지만, 사회 전반적 논의에서 앞선 건 대만이다. 그리고 동남아에선 베트남과 타이가 주도하고 있다.

베트남 정부는 지난 1월 ‘동성혼 금지 조항’을 폐지했다. 동성혼 합법화는 아니다. “지금까지는 동성 결혼식장에 경찰이 나타나 식을 중단시키고 벌금을 물렸다. 이제 그 결혼식을 방해받지 않고 할 수 있다는 의미다.” 성소수자 운동에 적극 동참해온 베트남 작가 라나 트란(28)의 설명이다. 라나는 “결혼식을 할 수 있다는 사실만으로도 (기쁨에) 취한” 현지 분위기를 전하며 “이제부터가 중요하다”고 강조했다.

베트남 정부가 관련법 개정에 착수한 거 2012년부터다. 그해 5월 법무부는 관계기관에 보낸 공문에서 “인권의 관점에서 피해갈 수 없는 이슈”라고 적었다. 두 달 뒤 법무부 장관은 “동성 커플에 대한 법적 틀을 고려할 때”라고 언급해 모두를 놀라게 했다. 이후 속도가 빨라졌다. 국회는 성소수자를 초청해 프레젠테이션 기회를 줬고, 해외 학자들도 초청해 세계 흐름을 경청했다. 동성혼 금지 조항 삭제는 이런 과정의 1차 산물이다. 이 과정에서 NGO ‘정보공유센터’(ICS)와 ‘아시아에서 LGBT로 살아가기’ 프로젝트를 추진해온 유엔개발계획(UNDP)의 기여도 컸다.

베트남 ‘톱게이’로 불리는 타오(Thao)가 ‘게이 레즈비언 부모와 친구들‘ 모임 (PFLAG) 행사에서 발언중이다. PFLAG모임은 베트남 LGBYI운동의 성과중 하나로 꼽힌다 (Photo Courtesy : Information Connecting Sharing)

“유엔인권위원회 이사국 희망과 관련 있을 것”

ICS는 2012년부터 대학에서 성소수자 인권 포럼을 열기 시작해, 올해는 고등학교에서도 포럼을 열고 있다. 같은 해 시작한 성소수자 부모 대상 프로그램도 반향이 컸다. 올해 초 ‘게이&레즈비언의 부모와 친구들’(PFLAG) 모임이 결성된 건 큰 성과다.

“가족은 우리가 궁극적으로 극복할 대상이자 함께할 이들이다.” ICS 대표 따오민후인의 말이다. 따오는 3년 전 TV 토크쇼를 통해 전국적으로 커밍아웃한 베트남 ‘톱 게이’다. 그는 “베트남에서 성소수자 문제는 다른 어떤 (인권) 문제보다 진보적 입지를 차지하고 있다”고 강조했다. 자부심이 담긴 이 말은 다른 관점에서도 의미심장하다. 인권 문제에 취약한 베트남이 유독 성소수자 문제에 적극적으로 나서고 있는 이유를 알려주기 때문이다.

베트남 게이 타오 (Thao). 그가 대표로 있는 정보공유센터( Information Connecting Sharing, ICS) 는 베트남 LGBTI운동을 주도해왔다. (Photo Courtesy : Information Connecting Sharing)

베트남 ‘톱게이’로 통하는 타오(Thao)와 친구들 (Photo Courtesy : Information Connecting Sharing)

독일 함부르크 소재 지역학 연구소인 GIGA(German Institute of Global and Area Studies)의 조르그 위처만 박사는 “베트남 정부가 성소수자 단체의 압력에 굴복해 이 문제에 적극적인 건 아니다”라고 지적한 바 있다. “유엔인권위원회 이사국 희망과 관련 있을 것”이라는 게 그의 분석이다. 실제 베트남이 법 개정에 착수한 시기는 인권위 이사국을 희망하던 때와 맞물린다. 2013년 11월, 마침내 베트남은 이사국으로 선출됐고 임기는 2016년까지다.

“베트남 시스템은 일방향이다. ‘다른 방향’은 없다. 정부가 지지하기로 한 이상 성소수자 반대 행사는 허용치 않을 것이다.” 종교단체의 반대는 없는지 묻자 라나의 답변이 그랬다. ‘다른 방향’이 없는 베트남 정치가 성적 다양성을 인정해가는 건 재미난 역설이다.

ICS는 2012년부터 대학에서 성소수자 인권 포럼을 열기 시작해, 올해는 고등학교에서도 포럼을 열고 있다. 같은 해 시작한 성소수자 부모 대상 프로그램도 반향이 컸다. 올해 초 ‘게이&레즈비언의 부모와 친구들’(PFLAG) 모임이 결성된 건 큰 성과다.

필리핀 레즈비언 활동가인 깅 크리스토발(사진 맨 우측)이 방콕 기자회견 장에서 발표 중이다. 그는 카톨릭 영향력이 강한 필리핀에서 종교단체가 성소수자 행사를 방해하는 사례가 잦다고 말한다. (© Lee Yu Kyung)

이제 타이로 날아와보자. 일전에 초대받아 간- 실은 초대해달라 졸라서 간- 성소수자 파티는 국제포럼을 막 마친 국제 게이들로 북적거렸다. 펀자비를 입은 파키스탄 게이는 지치지 않고 춤을 췄고, 게이라는 이유로 사형당할 수 있는 나라 아프가니스탄에서 온 자비드는 줄곧 소파에 앉아 인도 게이의 춤에서 눈을 떼지 않았다. 튀는 색의 롱지(아시아 일부 국가에서 남자들이 입는 치마의상)를 곱게 두른 뷔는 피지에서 왔다. 대만에서 온 하이커 치우는 춤보다 ‘대화’에 집중했다. 그는 최근 성소수자 그룹에 포함되기 시작한 인터섹스(Intersex·간성, 남성과 여성의 신체적 특성 혹은 잠재성을 모두 갖고 태어난 사람)다. 이들 사이를 타이 게이 엠과 밋 나잇이 바쁘게 오가고 있다. 둘은 주최 쪽 스태프다. 타이 수도 방콕은 ‘게이 수도’이기도 하다.

혹시 ‘톰보이’를 아는가. 사내처럼 차려입은 여자. ‘톰’ 옆에는 여자친구 ‘디’(‘레이디’의 준말)가 있다. 톰의 정체성은 독특하다. 사내처럼 굴지만 현지어 여성 조사인 ‘카’를 포기하지 않는다. ‘레즈비언’도 아니란다. ‘디’는 레즈비언이거나 양성애자 혹은 전 남친과의 관계가 끔찍해 잠자리마저 헌신적이라는 ‘톰’을 선택했을지 모른다. 방콕 거리에서 애정 표현을 하는 커플을 보는 건 쉽지 않은데 그런 커플이 있다면 바로 ‘톰디’일 확률이 높다.

사내처럼 차려입은 ‘톰’ (Tomboy 의 준말)은 타이의 독특한 성 소수자들이다. 3월 8일 여성의 날 행사장에 등장한 유인물은 톰의 성적 지향을 질병으로 보거나 이들을 강간하여 치료하겠다는 세력에 대해 일침을 가하고 있다. 톰에 대한 강간과 살해 사건이 묻히고 있다고 성 소수자 운동가들은 지적한다. (© Lee Yu Kyung 2015)

“직설법 문화가 아니라서 관용적으로 비친다”

지난해 말, 인터넷에 오른 영상 하나가 타이 사회의 관용을 도마 위에 올렸다. 지상철(BTS) 안에서 키스하던(장면은 안 담겼지만) 톰디에게 한 여성이 “공공장소에서 뭐하는 짓이냐?”고 따져물었고 “내가 ‘빠랑’(서양인)이라도 당신이 소리 질렀겠냐?”며 톰이 받아쳤다. ‘타이 전통’을 내세운 여성과 ‘개인 자유’를 내세운 커플 간에 언쟁이 오갔다. 승객들은 모두 ‘먼 산’을 봤고 상황을 정리한 건 ‘레이디보이’다. “톰보이라도 예의를 지켜야지! 인터넷을 봐봐. 공공장소에서의 애정 표현을 다들 비난하고 있다고.” 이후 BTS 쪽은 핫라인을 개설해 애정 행각 발견시 신고를 하라고 공지했다. ‘착하고 도덕적인’ 거리 만들기로 종결된 이 소란은 타이식 관용의 속살을 잘 보여줬다.

“겉만 보고 관용적이라는데, 성소수자들 삶의 수준을 봐야 한다. 소외계층, 지방으로 가면 (성소수자를 겨냥한) 강제결혼, 성폭행도 적잖다.” 레즈비언 단체인 평등실천연대(TEA) 활동가 타오는 타이 사회가 직설법 문화가 아니라서 관용적으로 비치는 거라고 말했다. 성소수자들이 진정으로 존중받는지는 별개의 문제라며.

“사회적 지위가 낮다 싶으면 행동거지가 좋아야 해. 민주주의, 계엄령 같은 도전적 의제는 삼가고 국가를 위해 헌신하면 성소수자라도 사람들이 당신을 좋아할 거야.” 6년 전 양성애자로 커밍아웃한 플라(29)의 말이다. 플라의 엄마와 이모 넷은 모두 성노동자로 살며 자식을 부양하고 생계를 일궜다. 플라가 15살 때부터 공장과 주말학교를 병행해 다니고 개방대학을 5년 동안 기를 쓰고 이수한 것도 그런 맥락이다.

실제로 타이 거리에서 쉽게 볼 수 있는 트랜스젠더인 ‘레이디보이’는 이 사회의 관용을 상징하지만 차별의 주 대상이기도 하다. 예컨대 섹스 투어리즘의 허브 파타야에 뜨는 단속은 트랜스젠더들을 겨냥할 때가 많다. 트랜스젠더 모델로 미국 뉴욕까지 진출한 사리나 타이조차 지난 2월 눈물을 글썽이며 인권위를 찾았다. 방콕 한 클럽의 문지기가 사리나의 신분증을 보고 출입을 거부했기 때문이다. 타이에는 성전환자가 무수히 많지만 성별 정정은 허용치 않는다.

지난 3월8일 타이 방콕의 ‘여성의 날’ 행사는 페미니즘 운동과 깊이 연계된 레즈비언 단체가 주도했다. 최근 기안을 마친 타이 신헌법에 ‘젠더’ 개념이 도입될 예정인 가운데 성소수자들은 ‘젠더 평등’을 강조하고 있다. (© Lee Yu Kyung 2015)

“형법과 민법을 건드려야 하는데 두 법은 한 세기 동안 변하지 않은 바이블이다.” 레인보스카이타이협회(RSAT) 사무차장 라피푼 좀마렁은 ‘왜 성별 정정 소송 사례가 없는가’라고 묻자 그렇게 답했다. 타이가 동성애를 비범죄화한 건 1956년. 그러나 “동성애는 정신병이 아니다”라는 보건부의 공식 발표는 2002년에 나왔다. 2007년 헌법에 ‘성정체성으로 인해 차별받지 아니한다’는 조항을 최초로 넣었지만 지난해 쿠데타로 종이 조각이 됐다.

지난 1월 군정 의회 헌법기안위원회(CDC)는 ‘제3의 성’을 신헌법에 넣겠다고 밝혔다. ‘펫 사팝’, ‘섹스’보다는 ‘젠더’에 가까운 신조어다. CDC 부의장 수칫 분봉칸 쭐랄롱꼰대학 교수는 최근 신헌법 관련 포럼에서 “성정체성과 성적 활동의 다양성을 인정하겠다는 취지”라고 설명했다. 라피푼은 획기적 조치로 환영하면서도 절차의 복잡성을 짚었다. “관련법에 명시되려면 타이국립어학원에서 관련 신조어를 승인해줘야 하고 이를 법조계에서 받아들여야 한다. 지난한 절차가 될 것이다.”

“민주적 체제하에서 다시 시작해야 한다면…”

최근 방콕에서 개최된 성소수자 관련 국제행사 뒷풀이는 편견과 굴레에서 벗어난 이들의 자기표현 장이었다. 상대적으로 관용적인 타이에서부터 게이라는 이유로 사형당할 수 있는 아프간 출신, 그리고 남성과 여성의 신체를 모두 갖고 태어난 인터섹스까지. 보편적 인류가 경계해온 이들에게 경계란 없었다. (© Lee Yu Kyung 2015)

2011년 9월 타이 인권위와 ‘다양한 성 네트워크’(Sexual Diversity Network)가 동성혼 합법화 안을 정부에 제안했다. 다음해 12월 정부는 ‘동성 커플을 위한 시민파트너십 구현 법안 작성위’를 꾸렸고 2013년 9월 ‘시민파트너십법’(Civil Partnership Act)이 몸통을 드러냈다. 법안은 “20살 이상 동성 커플은 시민파트너십으로 등록 가능”하며 “두 사람 중 한 명은 반드시 타이인”이어야 한다고 명시했다. 보험, 연금, 세금 감면, 유산 문제 등 이성 커플에 해당하는 권리 사항도 모두 다뤘다. 단, 입양권은 허용치 않았다. 2013년 12월, 국회 논의와 통과를 기다리던 파트너십 법안은 반정부 시위대에 밀린 당시 잉락 친나왓 총리가 의회를 해산하면서 물거품이 됐다. 초당적 지지가 뚜렷한 사안이지만 늪에 빠진 정치가 발목을 잡았다.

동성 파트너십 법제화의 중요성은 남부러울 것 없어 보이는 사이몬-노이 커플 사례에도 잘 투영된다. 영국법으로는 보호를 받지만 이들이 살고 있는 타이에서는 아무런 보호 장치가 없다. 노이가 아파 병원에 입원해도 배우자 자격이 없는 사이몬은 어떤 종이에도 사인할 수 없다.

지난 3월 8일 방콕의 여성의 날 행사는 페미니즘 운동과 깊이 연계된 레즈비언 단체들이 주도했다. 최근 기안을 마친 타이 신헌법에 ‘젠더’ 개념이 도입될 예정인 가운데 성 소수자들은 ‘젠더 평등’를 강조하고 있다. (© Lee Yu Kyung 2015)

레즈비언 운동가 추마폰은 다른 소외계층이 ‘우선 탄압’ 대상이 되고 있는 마당에 성소수자 인권만 옹호하는 건 모순이라고 말한다. 지난 1월23일 ‘민주주의와 성정체성 표현(SOGIE) 권리 동맹’이 발표한 성명도 같은 맥락이다. 성명은 군정의 ‘개혁’에 협력하고 있는 일부 SOGIE 운동을 비판했다. 정당성이 부재한 법제화 과정이라는 게 그 이유다. 군정이지만 주어진 공간활용론에 호의적인 라피푼도 우려가 없진 않다.

“이 나라가 민주화 궤도에 다시 들어서면 사람들이 이렇게 물을 수 있다. 당신들이 인정받은 게 비민주적 체제하에서였으니 처음부터 다시 시작하자고.” ‘게이 수도’를 세운 타이의 성소수자운동은 지금 고민과 분열에 빠져 있다.

방콕(타이)=글·사진 이유경 국제분쟁 전문기자 Lee@Penseur21.com

기사 원문 보러 가기 클릭

Anti-coup student activists at Democracy Monument in Bangkok, Thailand on June 25 2015. 14 plus students from Bangkok and Khon Kaen university in North East have declared New Democracy Movement (or NDM) a day ago. It has coincided with the 83rd anniversary of the Siamese Revolution of 1932 (© Lee Yu Kyung 2015)

14 plus pro-democracy student activists have declared New Democracy Movement (or NDM) in Thailand on June 24, 2015. It was a day of 83rd anniversary of Siamese Revolution of 1932. Symbolic. Yet it’s sad state of democracy in Thailand. 83 years on, the country being turned a clock from ‘struggling descent’ time into ‘quasi-absolute’ era. Sliding slowly.

The young activists were certainly encouraging and inspiring elements of the Era. In my view, they have shamed the society that has kept silent or submissive (No insult). They are fun loving, I sensed. And freedom loving, I felt strongly – out of their tones, face movement, eyes, hands and arms etc. Smile and laugh are all ready for them to burst. Highly determined, they vow not to flee, not to seek a bail, but to fight.

First price for refusing to vow to the Order has been materialized. All were arrested after days of peaceful street demonstration, which has become rare under the incumbent military government. They now await Military Court facing Sedition charge and charge with violating the Junta order No.3 / 2015, which bans political gathering of more than five.

I wish their determination and high spirit never gone away. This is my “Su Su” for them.

All Rights Reserved © Lee Yu Kyung 2015

Rangsiman Rome, one of 14 student activists of New Democracy Movement was reading the group’s manifesto on June 24. Despite arrest warrant issued for most of them, students vow to fight for ultimate democracy. All were arrested 2 days later (© Lee Yu Kyung 2015)

Anti-coup activists of Dao Din group from Khon Kaen university joined street protest near Pathumwan Police station in Bangkok June 24. Dao Din was a leading force when New Democracy Movment was declared first at Democracy Monument in Khon Kaen province on June 8. (© Lee Yu Kyung 2015)

14 plus student activists from Bangkok and Khon Kaen province have showed up Pahumwan police station on June 24, which falls on the 83rd anniversary of the Siamese Revolution of 1932. The student activists were holding pictures that plain clothes (left in the pic) police violently broke up their peaceful protest on May 22 as they marked one year anniversary of the latest military coup. (© Lee Yu Kyung 2015)

Another picture as well has shown that plain clothes police dragging peaceful protesters on May 22, one year anniversary of the latest coup. (© Lee Yu Kyung 2015)

Anti-coup activists of Dao Din group from Khon Kaen university were singing at the stage near Pathumwan Police station in Bangkok June 24. They were arrested together with other 7 activists from Bangkok two days later (© Lee Yu Kyung 2015)

Anti-coup student activists from Bangkok at the stage near Pathumwan Police station on June 24. They are from various universities in Bangkok, including League of Liberal Thammasat for Democracy (or LLTD). (© Lee Yu Kyung 2015)

Chonticha Chaengrew (center) is one and only female student among 14 activists arrested on June 26. She’s been detained in Bangkok Central Women Prison. (© Lee Yu Kyung)

Rangsiman Rome (left) and Rattapol Supasophon (right) of LLTD group were discussing during the demonstration near Pathumwan police station. (© Lee Yu Kyung)

A student of Dao Din group from Khon Kaen university was being treated as he’s got a small injury on his foot. 7 student activists of Dao Din have traveled back and forth between Bangkok and Isarn, the country’s north east in recent since they have defied to report to the police on June 19. (© Lee Yu Kyung 2015)

7 student activists of Dao Din group were discussing what to do next while demonstration near Pathumwan police station in Bangkok on June 24. (© Lee Yu Kyung 2015)

Wasant Sadesit, one of seven students activists of Dao Din group from Khon Kaen university at demonstration held near Pathumwan police station in Bangkok on June 24. (© Lee Yu Kyung 2015)

Anti-coup student activists at the stage near Pathumwan Police station on June 24 in Bangkok. They are from Dao Din group, law students of Khon Kaen University in north east. (© Lee Yu Kyung 2015)

Police have lined up at the entrance of Pathumwan Police Station as students activists and demonstrators were trying to be near the entrance on June 24. Students activists have filed charge against police for violent break-up their peaceful protest on May 22 as they marked one year anniversary of the latest coup. (© Lee Yu Kyung)

Crowd of supporters were surrounding student activists listening to their speech. 14 student activists from Bangkok and Khon Kaen have jointly declared New Democracy Movement on June 24. (© Lee Yu Kyung 2015)

Rangsiman Rome, one of 14 student activists of New Democracy Movement was negotiating with police at the entrance of Pathumwan police station in Bangkok June 24. Students have filed charge against police for violent break-up of peaceful gathering on May 22. (© Lee Yu Kyung 2015)

Chatupat Boonyapatraksa, representative of Dao Din group from Khon Kaen university was making speech at Pathumwan police station in Bangkok. Police have not tried to arrest any of the students, as crowds and media were present. (© Lee Yu Kyung 2015)

A student activist was having dinner while demonstration held at Pathumwan Police station in Bangkok on June 24. The street activity has lasted till late night of the day. (© Lee Yu Kyung 2015)

Getting dark, but standing up. A student of Dao Din group of Khon Kaen university at demonstration on June 24, which has coinincided with the 83rd anniversary of Siamese Revolution of 1932. (© Lee Yu Kyung 2015)

Rattapol Supasophon, a member of League of Liberal Thammasat for Democracy (or LLTD) was making speech at crowds in Pathumwan Police station in Bangkok June 24. (© Lee Yu Kyung 2015)

Pornchai Yuanyee, one of the 14 student activists was making speech at crowds at Pathumwan Police station in Bangkok on June 24 (© Lee Yu Kyung 2015)

Students of Dao Din group from Khon Kaen university said they were determined not to flee or to seek a bail but to fight for ultimate freedom and democracy. (© Lee Yu Kyung 2015)

“Thought can’t be prisoned..dream can’t be blocked…” reads the poem written on back of T-shirts. (© Lee Yu Kyung 2015)

Krisadang, lawyer representing of the 7 students from Bangkok explained that he filed a complaint against police for violent break-up of peaceful gathering on May 22. (© Lee Yu Kyung 2015)

Students of Dao Din group were singing loudly at Pathumwan police station in Bangkok on June 24. One of the songs of the day was ‘Do you hear the people’s sing’ of the musical film Les Miserables. (© Lee Yu Kyung 2015)

As a day of street activity done on June 24, students did scrum down while moving to vehicles by which they would reach at shelter. (© Lee Yu Kyung 2015)

Holding firm arms in arms, student activists were moving to vehicles by which they would reach at their shelter on June 24. (© Lee Yu Kyung 2015)

Coordinated in swift. Student activists of New Democracy Movement were getting into taxis by which they would reach at their shelter on June 24 (© Lee Yu Kyung 2015)

Pansak Srithep, driver of one of several taxis for students activists. He is pro-democracy activist and also taxi driver, who lost his son during the bloody crackdown on Red Shirts in 2010. (© Lee Yu Kyung 2015)

14 student activists gathered next day again at Democracy Monument in Bangkok. They have continued their pro-democracy street activity on June 25, a day before all were arrested. (© Lee Yu Kyung 2015)

A few ‘No Coup’ signs were posted on Democracy Monument on June 25. The monument is commemoration of Siamese Revolution of 1932. (© Lee Yu Kyung 2015)

국제협약 어기고 타이에서 중국으로 강제 송환된 ‘120명’의 위구르족… 아내와 아이들은 터키로 남편은 중국으로 흩어져, 3주 흘렀지만 송환자의 운명은 깜깜무소식

“늦은 밤 비밀스럽게, 그것도 굳이 라마단 기간에 서둘러 쫓아내야 했는지 모르겠다.”

타이 무슬림 인권운동가인 앙카나 닐라파이짓은 지난 7월8일 밤 타이 정부가 이민성 감호소에 구금 중이던 위구르족 ‘불법’ 이민자들을 중국으로 강제 송환한 것이 인권유린이라며 분노했다. 앙카나는 타이 남부 분쟁 주 무슬림 젊은이들을 변호하다 2004년 강제 실종된 인권변호사 솜차이 닐라파이짓의 아내다. 그날 이래 강제 실종, 고문, 그리고 종교 자유에 관한 것은 늘 자신의 일처럼 챙겨왔다.

중국 화면 갈무리 사진들. 7월8일 위구르족 이민자들이 검은 두건으로 얼굴이 가려진 채 중국으로 강제 송환됐다. 중국 정부는 강제 송환자 수를 109명으로 발표했지만, 한 사진(오른쪽 아래)에 ‘120’이라는 숫자가 선명하다. ‘CCTV’ 화면 갈무리, 맨 아래 오른쪽은 세계위구르협회(WUC) 터키지부 제공

하필이면 그것도 라마단 기간에

앙카나가 ‘라마단’을 언급한 건 한 무슬림의 볼멘소리로 넘길 일이 아니다. 이슬람력의 신성한 달로 간주되는 라마단 기간 중국 정부는 신장위구르자치구의 교사, 학생, 공무원들에게 단식 금지령을 내렸다. 특정 구역에 히잡을 두른 여성이나 턱수염이 있는 남성은 발을 들여놓을 수 없다는 경고문을 심심찮게 붙여놓기도 했다. 지난해 12월 신장 주의회는 ‘공공장소 부르카 착용 금지’ 법안도 통과시켰다. 컴퓨터에 종교 자료를 저장했다는 이유로 해고된 공무원도 있다. 카스 지방 수러현 ‘농업기술촉진센터’ 공무원 압둘 칼릴리 아부리미티의 사례다.

2013 년 압둘은 종교자료와 사색을 컴퓨터에 보관하고 공공장소에서 기도했다는 이유로 해고되었다. 사진은 해고공문 사본

<한겨레21>이 입수한 해고공문 ‘勒人社字 2013-42호’에 따르면 압둘은 수러현 ‘인사 및 사회 안보부’ 명령 18호, ‘관공서 직원 징계 방침’ 3장 16조 5항과 8항에 의거해 해고됐다. 지난 2월 우루무치에서는 이맘(종교지도자)들이 ‘문명화’의 이름으로 동원돼 거리에서 집단무를 추기도 했다. 보도에 따르면 이맘들은 ‘아이들에게 종교를 가르치지 않을 것이며 기도는 영혼에 상처를 주는 것이다’ 등의 구호를 외칠 것도 강요받았다. 켜켜이 쌓여가는 종교적 문화적 모멸감, 이번 ‘라마다 송환’은 그 모멸감을 극대화했다.

송환 다음날 중국 관영방송의 보도 화면을 보자. 가슴에 70번을 단 송환자는 비행기 안에서 중국경찰특공대(‘SWAT’)에 둘러쌓여 속절없이 앉았고, 80번대를 단 송환자들은 중국에 도착한 뒤 부축받으며 비행기에서 내려왔다. 모두 검은 두건으로 머리가 온전히 가려진 채였다. 종교적 차림에 불과한 히잡이 금지 목록에 오르는 바람에 저항의 상징물처럼 됐다면, 권력이 뒤집어씌운 검은 두건은 강제송환자들의 개별 정체성을 이그러트리며 ‘강제 실종’의 우려마저 낳았다.

“우리가 확보한 정보와 방송 화면을 모니터한 결과 강제 송환된 이들은 (중국 정부가 발표한) 109명이 아니라 최소 120명이다.” 세계위구르협회(WUC) 터키 대표인 세잇 툼투르크는 가슴에 숫자 ‘120’이 선명히 보이는 송환자의 사진을 근거로 제공했다.

‘120’ 숫자가 가슴팍에 선명한데

“8일 (워싱턴 시각) 오전 2시(방콕 시각 오후 1시)께 전화가 왔다. (이민성 감호소에서) 공항으로 이송되는 중이라고. 강제송환 되는 거 같은데 저항하겠다고 하더라. 그정도까지 하고 말은 끊겼는데 전화기 건너편으로 괴성, 구타소리가 생생히 들려왔다”

세계위구르협회 의장 레비야 카디르(69)는 좀체 알려지지 않았던 송환 당일(7/8일) 낮 상황을 부분 진술했다. (인터뷰 참조)

기자가 이 소식을 처음 접한 건 방콕 시각으로 지난 7월9일 아침 7시4분, 소셜미디어 라인(LINE)에 마련된 ‘타이외무부 산하 외신부’ 채팅방에서다. 송환 뒤 많은 시간이 지났음에도 방에 등록된 150여 명의 기자들은 송환 사실을 전혀 몰랐고 외무부 직원에게 ‘확인’을 닦달했다. 터키 이스탄불에서 간밤에 발생한 위구르 시위대의 타이영사관 공격 기사가 실마리였다. 거의 하루 종일 걸린 송환 과정은 그정도로 철저히 비밀에 부쳐졌다.

2014년 3월 다양한 국경에서 잡혀온 위구르인들이 타이의 한 이민성에 모여 있다. 지난 5년간 동남아시아의 국경을 거쳐 탈출하는 위구르족이 늘고 있다. 출처 불명

위구르족들이 중국과 국경이 맞닿은 다양한 동남아 국가들로 탈출하는 현상은 지난 5년간 서서히 고조돼왔다. 지난해 3월 남부 정글에서 발견된 220명을 포함해 다양한 국경에서 타이 경찰에 의해 잡혀온 이들이 약 450명이다. 이들은 5개 타이 이민성 감호소에 갇혔있다 100여 명은 ‘탈출’에 성공해 말레이시아를 거쳐 터키로 향한 것으로 알려졌다. 3살 된 압둘라 압두웰리의 삼촌도 탈출자 중 한 명이다. 혼자 남겨진 압둘라는 위생 상태가 좋지 않은 감호소에서 결핵에 걸려 지난해 12월 사망했다.

“타이 정부에 전해달라. 우리를 중국으로 추방할 거면 그냥 여기서 사살하라고. 고문받으며 중국 감옥에 갇히느니 여기서 죽겠다.”

지난해 이들을 면회했던 터키의 세잇 툼투르크도, 이들을 옥바라지해온 위구르족 활동가 하산(가명)도 이런 말을 수차례 들었다고 말했다.

강제 송환의 공포에 떠는 이들을 박해국으로 추방한 건 국제인권법이 명시한 ‘강제추방금지’(Non-Refoulement) 위반이다. 타이가 각각 2007년, 1996년 사인한 ‘고문방지협약’(CAT)과 ‘시민과 정치적 권리에 관한 국제협약’(ICCPR) 모두 이 원칙을 명시하고 있다. 강제 송환 직후 발표된 터키 외무부의 성명 역시 “강제추방금지 원칙은 난민에게만 적용되는 게 아니라 생명권을 지닌 누구에게라도 적용돼야 한다”고 짚었다. 게다가 터키는 위구르족 이민자를 받아들이겠노라 거듭 천명해왔다. 강제 송환의 한편에서 6월29일 172명, 7월11일 8명이 추가로 터키로 보내졌다. 이들 모두 터키의 카이세리에서 정착할 것으로 전해졌다.

최근년간 중국정부의 종교복장제약이심화되고있다. 금지 복장에는 이슬람의 상징 문양 중 하나인 초승달 그림이 박힌 티셔츠도 포함되어 있다. 빨간 바탕은 터키 국기이고, 파란 바탕은 신장 지역을 일컫는 “동투르키스탄” 깃발이다.

“터키로 간 172명 중 다수는 여성과 어린이이고 추가로 보내진 8명도 여성 넷, 아이 넷이다. 반면 중국으로 송환된 100여 명은 대부분 남자다. 터키와 중국으로 갈라진 이산가족이 발생했다.” 타이국가인권위원회 니룬 피탁와차랏 위원은 정보공개가 투명하지 않아 정확한 이산 가족 수를 알기 어렵다며 이렇게 말했다.

2009년 송환된 20명 중 일부 종신형

강제 송환 뒤 3주가 흘렀다. 이민성 감호소에는 아직 52명이 남아 있고 중국으로 송환된 이들은 깜깜무소식이다. 국내외에서 쏟아지는 비난을 의식해서인지 타이 ‘국가안보위원회’ 사무총장 아누싯 쿠나콘이 송환자들 상황을 체크하겠다며 지난 7월15일부터 3일간 중국을 방문하고 돌아왔다. “좋은 환경에서 지내고 있더라.” 그가 전한 이 말을 믿는 이는 아무도 없다. 물론 증거 사진도 없다. 2009년 12월9일 캄보디아에서 강제 송환된 위구르족 20여 명의 경우 비공개 재판을 거쳐 일부는 2012년 종신형을 선고받았다. 이들은 2009년 7월5일 발생한 우루무치 폭동 이후 중국을 탈출한 이들이다.

미국 샌프란시스코에 본부를 둔 중국 인권단체 ‘두이화재단’이 2014년 2월10일 발표한 ‘동투르키스탄’(신장위구르자치구) 전년도 현황을 보면 2만1061건의 재판 중 296건이 ‘국가안보위협’(ESS·Endangering State Security)과 연관돼 있다. 신장고등인민법원의 연간 보고서에 기반한 이 자료는 ESS 재판이 전년(2012년)보다 10% 상승했다고 분석했다. 재판을 받은 이의 대부분은 신장위구르자치구 극서지방이자 위구르 문화의 상징지역인 카슈가르(喀什噶爾) 출신이다.

게다가 강제 송환자들이 도착한 7월9일 이후 중국 정부는 대대적인 단속을 벌여 인권변호사와 활동가 200여 명을 연행했다. 국제앰네스티가 “유례없다”고 표현한 단속이다. 연행된 이들 중에는 펑루이법률회사 소속 변호사들도 포함돼 있다. 바로 위구르 경제학자이자 분리주의 혐의로 종신형을 선고받은 일함 톨티를 변호하는 로펌이다.

공안정국을 반영하듯 강제송환 후 중국 언론은 연일 ‘귀환한 테러리스트’ 스토리를 내보냈다. 7월20일 CCTV가 조명한 아이케바이어(Aikebia)도 그중 한 명이다. 아이케바이어는 2013년 이후 터키를 거쳐 시리아로 가서 폭탄 제조업을 배운 뒤 돌아왔다고 “자백”했다. 중국 정부는 “이번에 강제 송환된 ‘불법 이민자들’도 예비 ‘지하디스트’”라며 “이 중 13명이 테러리스트 조직과 연계돼 있다”고 거듭 강조하고 있다. 전 세계가 울분하는 ‘IS 가입경로’, 중국 정부는 모두의 공감대를 자극할 줄 알았다. 지난 해 5월 시진핑 주석이 반테러 캠페인 “강타”(“Strike Har”)를 선언한 참이다.

한편, 위구르인들의 ‘목적지’가 되고 있는 터키상황도 유념해야  할 대목이 있다. 위구르족 탄압은 ‘터키 민족주의’ 또한 자극하고 있다. 신장위구르자치구의 ‘라마단 단식 금지’ 조치에 거리시위가 달아오른 건 다름 아닌 터키였다. 7월4일 한국 여행객이 공격받은 것으로 보도된 시위의 주축 세력은 극우단체 대연합당(Great Union Party·BBP)으로 알려져 있다. 대터키 민족주의를 주창하는 폭력적 성향의 극우단체 ‘그레이 울프’와 가까운 단체다. 이와 관련, WUC 터키 대표 세잇 툼투르크는 <한겨레21>과의 인터뷰 말미에 “한국인들과 타이인들에게 거듭 사과한다”고 강조했다. 세잇은 7월8일 밤 이스탄불의 타이영사관 공격은 강제 송환 과정에서 사망자가 발생했다는 불확실한 정보가 전해지면서 흥분한 시위대가 범한 오류라고 말했다.

타이 정부가 위구르족을 중국으로 강제 송환 후 터키 위구르족들 이 항의 시위를 벌이고 있다. (Photo courtesy : World Uighur Congress – Turkey)

역사상 최대 폭력 사태 ‘야르칸드 학살'(Yarkand Massacre)도 7월에

7월은 위구르족에게 추모의 달이다. 2009년 인종 폭동도, 역사상 최대 폭력 사태로 거론되는 지난해 중국 신장위구르자치구 사처현(야르칸드)에서의 학살도 모두 7월에 발생했다. 사처현 학살은 군의 머리 스카프 단속에서 시작됐다. 한 가족의 무참한 사살에 위구르족들이 항의행진을 벌였고 경찰서를 공격했다. 그리고 학살로 이어졌다. 정부가 통계한 사망자 수는 한족 35명을 포함해 96명이지만 위구르 망명 그룹은 2천 명이라고 주장한다. 최근 발행된 공산당 기관지 <취스>(Quishi)에 따르면 신장 지역 군 고위 간부는 “신장 지역을 ‘근대문명화’하자”고 주장했단다. 히잡을 벗기고 검은 두건을 씌우는 게 ‘근대문명화’인가. 누구도 감히 묻지 못하는 질문이다. 터키조차도. 터키의 레제프 타이이프 에르도안 대통령은 7월28일 중국 방문길에 100명이 넘는 비즈니스맨들을 동반했다. 중국은 터키의 3대 교역국이다.

방콕(타이)=이유경 Lee@Penseur21.com

기사 원문 보러 가기 클릭

타이 게이머는 사이버 전쟁 중… 

“나는 게이머(Gamer)다. 삶이 부재해서가 아니라 더 많은 삶을 향유하기 위해서다”

타이 게이머 프라윳(가명)은 “더 많은 삶”을 향유할 수 있는 온라인 공간을 “우리들의 집”이라 부른다. 그는 최근 만만찮은 적과 사이버 전쟁 중이다. 인터넷 검열에 혈안이 된 군사정부가 그의 상대다. F5, 즉 ‘새로고침’을 내건 그의 페이스북 페이지에는 스스로를 ‘F5 사이버전사’라 부르는 2만여명의 유저가 드나들고 있다. 모두 “싱글게이트웨이 인터넷 방화벽(Single Gateway Internet Firewall)을 반대하는 시민들”이다.

타이에서 유일하게 자유로운 공간인 온라인 공간이 또 다시 들썩이고 있다. ‘싱글게이트웨이(Single Gateway)’ 라는 이름하에 군정이 조용히 추진해오던 온라인 검열 프로젝트가 발각됐기 때문이다. 9월 22일, 한 트위터리안(@Sik***u)의 트윗이 뜨면서 웅성거림은 시작됐다. “타이 내각이 (특정) 사이트 차단과 정보통제를 위해 정보통신기술부(MICT)에게 싱글 게이트웨이를 추진하도록 지시했다.” 트윗에는 관련 링크가 붙었다. 이 트위터리안의 눈썰미가 아니었다면 홍보처 사이트 구석에 처박혀 잘 보이지 않았을 포스팅이었다.

트위터리안이 발견한 군정의 은밀한 계획

타이 군정은 그동안 ‘싱글게이트웨이’ 프로젝트를 부인해왔다. 그러다 10월20일 군정 실세로 알려진 국방부 장관 쁘라윗 웡수완은 ‘온라인 반정부 세력’ 색출을 위한 ‘검열부대’를 구성하겠다고 말했다. 이 검열 안은 얼마 전 한 네티즌의 예리한 지적으로 발견된 201쪽에 달하는 군정보국의 내부보고서에도 잘 반영돼 있다. 사진은 보고서 130쪽에 실린 이미지 (군정보국 보고서 캡쳐)

이렇게 세상에 얼굴을 드러낸 싱글게이트웨이 안은 6월30일 내각 회의 때부터  테이블에 오르기 시작한 것으로 알려졌다. 7월14일 회의에서는 ‘긴급히 시행하라’는 프라윳 총리의 명령이 있었고, 8월4일에도 내각회의 의제로 다시 올랐다. 그리고 같은 달 27일, 정통부 관련 부서들은 진척 상황을 총리에게 보고하도록 지시받은 것으로 드러났다. 27일 내각 회의 문건에는 “부적절한 웹사이트와 해외로부터 유입되는 정보 흐름을 통제하기 위해서”라는 분명한 목적을 담았다. 이날 회의 문건은 또 “싱글게이트웨이를 실행하는데 방해가 되는 법이 있다면 속히 개정해야 한다”는 언급까지 담아 강력한 추진의사를 다시 한 번 드러냈다. 9월1일, 프로젝트는 내각에서 승인됐다. 약 3주 뒤 트위터를 통해 알려지기 전까지 이를 발표한 이도, 주목한 이도  없었다.

싱글게이트웨이는 인터넷 서버제공자(ISP)를 국가로 단일화하겠다는 발상으로 해석된다. 즉, 인터넷 공간에 오고가는 트래픽의 길목을 정부소유 통신망으로 일원화해서 해외에서 유입되는 정보들까지 보다 수월하게 통제하겠다는 것이다. 과거 군사정권시절 버마의 인터넷이 그러했듯 단일 서버에 의존한 인터넷 속도는 이루 말할 수 없을 만큼 느릴 것이다.

싱글게이트웨이 안이 드러나자 가장 적극적으로 반응한 이들은 게임 커뮤니티다. 통계전문사이트인 ‘스태티스타(Statista)’에 따르면 타이의 온라인 게이머는 2014년 현재 9백 97만명으로 태국 전체 인구의 6분의 1 정도다. 트위터에서 ‘팀게이머’(Team Gamer)를 의미하는 타이어를 치면 ‘#NoSingleGateway’라는 해시태그가 따라 붙을 정도로 타이 게이머들은 적극적으로 타이 군정의 사이버 검열 정책에 저항하고 있다.  공격을 주도한 게이머 프라윳은 기자와의 메신저 인터뷰에서 현재의 ‘사이버 전쟁’을 “독재정권과 온라인 커뮤니티간의 전쟁”이라  정의했다. “공격은 계속된다. 정부가 내각 차원에서 이 안을 철회하는 문서를  공표할때까지”.  그가 밝힌 사이버전사들은 “게이머이고, 학생들이며, 온라인 사업자들”이다. 싱글게이트웨이 도입이 현실화되면 모든 비즈니스와 일상이 인터넷을 활용하는 요즘 세태의 그 많은 수요를 감당하지 못할거라는 게 전문가들의 견해다. 당장 속도’ 문제가 발생할 수 있고 그로인해  ‘기술적’ 문제가 부수적으로 이어질 거라는  경고다. 인터넷을 주 기반으로 사업하는 이들에게는 치명적일 수 밖에 없다. 그러다 보니 생계에 영향을 받을 수 있는 ‘인터넷 상인’들도 참지 않았다.

싱글게이트웨이 정부 안에 반발하며 게임 커뮤니티를 중심으로 익명의 사이버 전사들이 타이 군정에 ‘전면전’을 선포했다. ‘싱글게이트웨이에 반대하는 시민들’ 페이스북

싱글게이트웨이에 반대하는 온라인 저항은 우선 온라인 서명으로 시작됐다. 20만을 목표한 서명은 2주만에 15만명을 넘어섰다.  그리고 디도스 공격. 9월30일 밤 10시부터 게임머들이 주축이 된 사이버 활동가들은 정부 각 부처 사이트  여섯 곳에 동시접속해서 해당 사이트를 다운시키는 방식으로 1차 공격을 감행했다. 게이머들은  검열을 주도해온 정통부, 총리실, 국방부는 물론 국내치안작전명령부(ISOC) 까지 공격 리스트를 사전에 공지했다. 게이머들이 사전에 공지한 뒤 공격한 정부 부처 홈페이지는 이날 밤부터 다음날 낮까지 제대로 작동하지 못했다. 우타마 자바나야나(Uttama Savanayana) 타이 정보통신기술부(정통부) 장관은 정통부 사이트 트래픽이 평소 6천명 수준에서 10만명으로 16배 증가했다고 밝혔다.

사이버전쟁 주도한 건 게임 커뮤니티

전문가들에 따르면 싱글게이트웨이는 정부가 주창해 온 ‘디지털 이코노미’와도 역행하는 자기모순적 정책이다. 지난 10월7일 ‘싱글게이트웨이’를 주제로 열린외신기자클럽 토론에서 수피냐 클랑나롬 방송텔레커뮤니케이션위원회(NBTC, 한국의 ‘방송통신위원회’에 준하는 방송규제기구)위원은 “싱글 게이트 웨이는 정부가 주창해온 디지틀 이코노미와 정반대 개념”이라고 지적했다. 타이 군정은 올 2월부터 ‘디지틀 이코노미’를 실행하겠다며 대대적으로 홍보하는 중이다. ‘디지틀 이코노미’ 개념이 뭔지는 명확치 않다.다만, 정통부 홈페이지의 모든 메뉴가 ‘스마트 타일랜드’, ‘스마트 네트워크’, ‘스마트 정부’, ‘스마트 비즈니스’, ‘스마트 피플’ 등 ‘스마트’를 달고 있을 뿐.

수피냐 의원은 또한 싱글게이트웨이가 타이에 복수로 존재하는 장기 라이선스 통신업계에도 ‘악몽’이 될 것이라 지적했다. 타이에는 국영회사인 TOT, CAT을 포함 총 17개의 통신회사가 “15~20년간 유효한 면허(라이선스)를 얻어” 인터넷 서버를 제공 중이다. 이중 10개 정도가  활발한 그룹이다. 이미 15년 이상 라이선스를 딴 이 업자들이 서버 제공사업을 취소당하면 라이선스 처리 문제는 물론 하루아침에 서버제공사업을 잃게 될 수도 있다는 의미다. “이 업자들의 라이선스를 유지하는 차원에서 정부가 주도하는 싱글게이트웨이를 두고 그 밑에 하부 서버로 민간서버 10여개를 두는 대안을 도입하는 경우라도  비용 부담이 크게 발생할 것” 수피냐의원의 말이다. 결국 기술적으로나 재정적으로 큰 무리수를 둔 이 프로젝트 이면에는 “다른 어젠다가 있다”는 것인데, 바로 인터넷 검열용 조치라고 조심스럽게 지적했다.

군정치하 타이 사회의 검열과 통제는 이미 수월해진 상태다. 우선 임시헌법 9조에 따라 계엄령 지역에서는 메시지, 편지, 통화, 소지품, 모든 종류의 교신내용을 당국이 검열하고 통제하는데 시간적 제약도 없고, 영장도 필요없다. 뿐만 아니라 지난 4월 계엄령은 해제됐지만  보다 강력한 임시헌법 44조가 발동되어 프라윳 총리에게 거의 절대적 권한을 부여하고 있다. 지난 해 5월 쿠테타 이후 적용되기 시작한 임시헌법의 제44조는 “공공질서와 국가안보, 왕실 등을 위협하는 행위에 대해 군정최고기구인 평화질서국가평의회(NCPO)의 의장(총리)이 어떠한 명령과 조치도 발동할 수 있으며 그 모든게 “합법적”이라는 내용으로 프라윳 총리에게 사실상 절대권력을 부여한 조항이다. 이런 절대권력에도 불구하고 군정이 여전히 통제에 애먹고 있는 영역이 있다면 바로 온라인 영역이다.

왕실모독법 사례를 기록해 온 법률 엔지오 아이로(iLaw)에 따르면 군정이 ‘(컴퓨터 범죄 및 왕실 모독법) 혐의자’를 체포하는데 있어 필요한 정보들은 기본적으로 세 가지다. 해당글을 올린 사람의 아이피(IP), 해당 아이피를 사용하는 사람의 집주소와 실명, 그리고 문제의 증거물이다. 이 세 가지 정보가 있어야 법적으로 기소할 수 있다. 이 과정에서 인터넷 서버제공자(ISP)의 협조가 필수적이다. 잉칩앗차놋 아이로 활동가는 “웹사이트를 폐쇄하는 경우라도 물리적 권한은 서버제공자에게 있다. 현재로서는 정부가 불편해하는 특정 게시물 작성자를 검열하고, 그런 게시물들이 많이 올라오는 웹사이트를 폐쇄하기 위해서는 서버제공자의 협조가 있어야만 가능해 서버제공자가 복수로 존재하는 현재의 환경은 검열이 그나마 힘든 환경이다.”

: 타이군정의 싱글게이트웨이 프로젝트에 반대하는 캠페인을 위해 예술가 위사룻 위지드(Wisaruth Wisidh)가 ‘재능기부’ 로 창조한 캐릭터 ‘농 칼라랜드’. 온라인 공간을 휘어잡는 악당같은 인물이다. 머리에 쓴 코코넛 모자는 21를 역행하는 소위 ‘타이다움’ (Thainess)의편협한 추세를 은유한 것이며 배경의 녹색은 당국의 검열로 블락된 사이트가 증가하면서 자주만나게 되는 정통부의 ‘블락화면’의 색깔을 응용했다.

타이 군정은 그 동안 ‘해외정보유입’에 강한 거부감을 보여왔다. 쿠데타 이후 왕실모독성 내용물 게시로 폐쇄된 사이트는 대략 10만 개 이상이다. 이들 대부분이 해외사이트라는 점을 타이 군정은 꾸준히 지적해왔다. 이번 싱글게이트웨이 관련 회의 문건에서도 ‘해외정보유입을 통제하겠다’는 뜻을 분명히 했다. 이런 검열환경을 의식한 듯, 지난 9월17일 방콕에 오픈한 페이스북 현지 사무소는 자체 ISP를 구축하지 않았다.  타이는 페이스북 사용자가 하루 평균 3천 4백만명, 사용시간 하루 평균 2시간 35분으로전 세계 평균치를 웃돌고 동남아에서는 가장 높은 국가다. 그러나, 싱글 게이트웨이가 실행된다면 해외에 서버를 둔 페이스북 등의 게시 정보도 모두 타이 정부에 의해 걸러지 수 있다. 사회관계망서비스(SNS)에 정부비판글을 올리다 지난 9월 12일 두번째로 소환됐던 타이 기자 프라윗 로자나푸룩은 석방 뒤 트위터·페이스북 등에 연재하다시피하는 ‘구금기’에서 군정이 사화관계망서비스를 타고 전파되는 정보에 얼마나 민감한지를 전했다.

“나를 심문하던 한 대령은 30년 전만 해도 많은 이들이 내 기사에 접근하기 어려웠는데 지금은 내가 SNS에 올리는 타이, 영어 논평들 때문에 상황이 취약해졌다고 말하더라. 나보고 사상적 지도자 중 하나라는데, 당신이 지금 너무 과대망상적으로 반응하는 거라 답해줬다”

프라윗이 군정에 출두하자마자 들은 질문도 “스마트폰 어디있냐”였다.

“스마트폰 어디있냐?” SNS 정보에 민감한 군정

여러 저항을 의식해서인지 프라윳 총리는 그동안 싱글게이트웨이에 제기된 비판내용을 부인했다.  10월9일 금요일 8시, 다른 날이면 연속극을 방영할 시간대지만 금요일만은 연속극 대신 ‘행복을 국민에게’ (Returning Happiness to the People) 라는 프로가 전 채널을 장악한다. 이 프로그램의 ‘고정출연’인 프라윳 총리는 이날 ‘싱글게이트웨이’를 입에 올렸다. 그는 “구상중인 아이디어였을 뿐인데 그 와중에 문건이 새고 보도가 마구 나갔다”며 내각의 결정이라는 사실을 부인했다. “인권존중과 법치의 틀에서 이 프로젝트가 가능하다면 진척할 것이고 위배되면 실행할 수 없을 것”이라며 “아직 확정된 건 없다” 고도 말했다. 우타마 정통부 장관도 ‘싱글 게이트웨이’는 “싱글”이라는 이름을 단 또 하나의 게이트웨이를 저렴한 가격에 제공하겠다는 의미일 뿐이라며 진화에 나섰다.

그러나 게이머 프라윳의 페이지를 드나드는 ‘F5사이버전사들’은 이런 말을 믿지 않았다. 그들은 싱글게이트웨이를 전면폐기하지 않으면 2차 저항을 재개하겠다며 10월14일 밤 11시30분을 데드라인으로 던졌다.  10월14일 밤 11시30분.  데드라인이 막 지났다.  20분 전. 게이머 프라윳은 “외무부를 먼저 공격하자” 제안했고 데드라인이 되기도 전에 외무부 사이트는 이미 다운됐다. 그리고 정통부 사이트 다운이 이어졌다. 이어 사이버전사들은 성명을 통해 “독재정부와 전면전을 선포”하고 ‘가벼운 공격’에서 ‘무거운 공격’으로 가겠다고 했다. 성명은 또, “프라윳 총리가 임시헌법 44조를 남용하여 반정부 활동가들을 잡아가두는 행위를 중단할 것”과  “싱글게이트 웨이를 기획한 관료들의 사퇴”를 요구했다.

10월 22일 익명의 사이버 전사들은 군정의 싱글게이트웨이안에 가장 협조적인 국영텔레콤사 CAT (CAT Telecom Public Company Limited)의 고객정보를 해킹하고 인증 사진을 올렸다. 이 공격은 국제해킹조직 어나니머스(Anonymous)와 협력한 흔적을 남겼다.

10월16일 <로이터>가  솜킷 자투시피탁 부총리의 한 포럼장에서의 발언을 따 “싱글게이트웨이가 취소됐다”고 보도했지만 사이버 전사들은 조금도 믿지 않았다. 내각문건으로 들통난 만큼 내각문건으로 취소결정을 공식화하라는 게 이들의 요구다. 아니나 다를까 프라윳 총리는 19일, 열흘 전 <행복을 국민에게> 프로그램을 통해서 생중계됐던 자신의 말을 사실상 주워담았다. ‘싱글게이트웨이’ 추진을 계속 부인해온 부총리와 정통부 장관의 말도 뒤집었다.

“싱글게이트웨이를 하지 말자는데 그러면 국민이 국가와 정부의 명예를 훼손하는 글부터 쓰지 말라. 그렇지 않을거면 우리가 무슨 수단을 쓰든 상관치 말라”

총리의 말에 사이버 전사들은 즉각 반응했다. 이들은 22일 목요일 오전 10시부터부터 전면전 1라운드를 시작하겠다며 정부에 서버를 제공하는 민간 IT 회사들이 사이버 공격의 영향을 받고 싶지 않으면 서버를 안전한 곳으로 옮기라고 사전 경고했다. 사이버전 사령관격인 프라윳은 이미 “전사 동무들이여”로 시작하는 장문의 글을 올린바 있다.“이건 진짜 전쟁입니다. 이 전쟁은 게임이 아니라는 걸 분명히 인식하시고..”  그리고 이날, 기사를 마감하는 저녁께 익명의 사이버 전사들은 군정의 싱글게이트웨이안에  가장 협조적인 국영텔레콤사 CAT (CAT Telecom Public Company  Limited)의 고객정보를 해킹하고 인증 사진을 올렸다. 이들은 해킹정보를 밝히는 건 목적이 아니라며 자세히 공개하지 않았다. 대신 “세계 시민들이여..” 로 시작하는 또 다른 성명이 신설되 트위터 아이디 @F5CyberArmy에 리트윗 형태로 올라왔다. 이 공격은 국제해킹조직 어나니머스(Anonymous)와 협력한 흔적을 남겼다.

“사이버 전쟁은 게임이 아님을 분명히 인식하시고..”

프라윳 개인에게 싱글게이트웨이란 “나라밖 세상과 자신의 세계를 잇는 통로가 하나만 존재하는 것”이기도 하다. 그 라인이 문제가 생기면 어쩔 거냐고 기자에게 묻는다. “우리 게이머들이 미래에 어떤 시합이나 제대로 할 수 있을지 모르겠다며..”

결의만큼 수심도 깊어지고 있다.

방콕(타이) 이유경 / 저널리스트 Lee@Penseur21.com

기사원문 보러 가기 클릭

When an army of journalists – happened to be all female – dressed as schoolgirls had burst into laughter at ‘lunch party’ with the Thailand’s Junta chief Prayut Chan-O-cha at Government House on January 8, it has become a talk of the town in the evening and onward. Commentators took to Social Network Service to lament wretched state of Thai media. A senior Thai journalist, Pravit Rojanapuruk termed it “lapdogs” in his column published on the progressive daily Khaosod English days later.

A soldier waving a red scarf as the unit was withdrawing from crowds of Red Shirt protesters in 2010. Thailand is one of more than 30 countries that have conscription. Many of conscripts are said to be from country’s north east where many Red Shirts are hailed. (© Lee Yu Kyung)

The laughter scene deemed a sequence of the poll in December conducted by National Statistic Office. The poll has resulted in stunning figure that 99.3% of Thais are happy with the Junta’s performance. The approval rate was “corrected” to 98.6% later on. So much for a change. No matter what credibility of the poll has remained, overwhelming approval of the Junta was of ‘Servitude Volontaire’, which is an essay title by French writer Étienne de La Boétie in 16^th century. It’s not entirely impossible that ‘unified happiness’ can be extracted from servitude volontaire in a society where military rule becomes a norm. In Thailand, more then 10 Prime Ministers have had military background since the 1932 Siamese Revolution which has terminated Absolute Monarchy. Ever since military coup has been habitual occurrences, more than a dozen, while servitude ‘volontaire’ overraping ‘compulsory’ one. What has been clear cut since the latest coup in May 2014 is either volontaire or compulsory servitude have got overdosed with strict legislations, including Lèse majesté, and intimidations.

However, there are detectable number of student activists who have kept straightforward their unhappiness with the military rule. Netiwit chotiphatphaisal, the 19 year old high school student deserves the most outstanding given the age and the level of defiance. He is the first conscientious objector in Thailand where military is a source of fortune, status and near-absolute power. Having started to mull over at the age of 16, he eventually has declared himself as a conscientious objector on September 5^th 2014. It was his 18^th birthday.

Netiwit chotiphatphaisal (19), an education activist, is the thailand’s first conscientious objector. He has has authored three books. (© Lee Yu Kyung)

“Military rule has dominated Thai society, not only now but also for a long time” reads his declaration. “They controlled text books to promote nationalism and respect of the army. We know they want to make Thailand a military state”

Netiwit hasn’t limited his reasons to ‘non-violence’, Buddhism or pacifism. Nor, has he compromised his criticism on Thai military as well as on Buddhism. “I cannot say I am a Buddhist in a country, where full of violence and Human Rights violation occur” he stated adding “I am a conscientious man”

“I am a conscientious man”

Thailand is one of more than 30 countries that have conscription. Based on Military Service Act of 1954, all male citizens are obliged to serve in the military upon reaching 21 years old. It is generally perceived that around 60% of some 300,000 forces are voluntary professional soldiers, and the rest would be filled with conscript soldiers. Thailand also have more flag officers, many of whom are just holding ranks and salary, than the US. As of 2013, it has 1,750 officers while the US had less than 1,000 as of 2011 for several times more force than Thailand.

“Despite Thailand has no evident threat of war, the budget of the army is rising with every fiscal year. How the military spend its budget is something in the shadow. Their spending should be under scrutiny” said Pakawadee Veerapaspong, the independent writer and activist based in Chiang Mai, northern Thailand, in an email interview with this writer. Pakawadee has been one of a few outspoken critics advocating ‘military reform’. She supports abolishing conscription.

She said up until 2006 coup, which has ousted the then Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, people thought military coup was something obsolete in Thai politics. And it would and should never happen again.

“So I look back to the pro-democracy uprising against military dictator in 1992 or ‘Black May’”

Pakawadee recalled the troubled history. There was a wide belief then that the military was expelled from the politics and returned to their barracks.

“Because of the belief, people didn’t try to reform many aspects of the military. That’s why we have to live in this nightmare of dictatorship again and again” she said.

Since the 2014 coup, the Junta has taken various measures in the name of “reform” process, in which the military have summoned activists, journalists and political opponents for “attitude adjustment” or “talks”. The words of “attitude adjustment” has become compatible with “reform”. Increasing measure for “talks” is an abduction of dissents, including the prominent student activist Sirawith Seritiwat (aka “Ja New”). Sirawith was abducted by a group of uniformed and masked men in front of his Tammasat University at night January 20. According to the local media Khaosod English report, he was slapped, verbally abused and most dreadfully blind folded then asked several questions such as “why are you talking with journalists?” Next day, the Junta’s spokesperson has admitted they were behind his abduction and released him. In less than a week, however, another student activist was abducted by believed to be military officers in plain clothes. Thai Lawyers for Human Rights (TLHR)’s recent report suggested that from May 22 2014, when the incumbent military regime staged the coup, to September 30 2015 1,408 civilians were tried at military court last year. There’s no sign of reforming military itself, but strengthen it with various means of which is the lately passed bill.

Last November the Junta has brought another service bill called ‘Reserved Forces Act’. The junta appointed-legislature has passed the bill withno objection but four abstentons. Neither debate nor outcry was observed other than online petition. Under the new law 12,000,000 male citizens aged between 18 and 40 old are subject to a random draft for two months military traning regardless their past duty. Annual drafting number would be 300,000, 2.5% of the target citizens.

I met a small group of high school students a month after the bill passed. The teens have showed me A4 sized papers, on which they wrote “Thai men are not slaves of the Military”. They said they were considering outdoor campaign with the “pickets”. Among the students was a 19 year old student Nithi Sankhawasi (19). He has just completed Territorial Defense Training, or locally known as “Ror Dor” for 3 years during the high school. Ror Dor is a military training for army reserve force students. It is, most of all, an optional way not to be called in draft procedure when they would turn 21 year old.

“Every Friday we should go to the military camp. We learn about the old Thai history, but never was contemporary issue. We also learn about King, Religion (Buddhism) and Military besides occasional military training” Nithi said. “You have to buy shirts and boots just like solidiers. Everyone, who are on Ror Dor training, has to pay by themselves. All the businesses belong to military” the teen added. To him, this is about corruption. “I felt it was waste of time. Teen-age is precious time of your life, isn’t it?” Nithi asked. The 16 year old Saengchai Law has completed first year of Ror Dor. He said 13 out of 17 male students in his calss are taking Ror Dor programe. But Netwit, the conscientious objector has not done this. Thus he is subject to conscription in two years.

“I have had a problem with Ror Dor also” said Netiwit. He raised the point of military training for underages. “School want student to obey like soldiers” he said. “They want us to get fear of military. So when coup happens, little resist. Mostly ok with it” he said.

Under the military regime, student reserve forces seem more obligated to command. On February 4, Army chief has announced “army students” – student reserve force – would be deployed at polling stations for upcoming referendum of the Junta drafted constitution. The second draft by the Junta-appointed Constitution Drafting Committee (CDC) has come out end of January to have faced heavy criticism since it would empower aristocracy. Concern is growing that the Junta want to creat intimidating air for voters albeit having “army students”. 3 days later, Col Winthai Suwaree, spokesperson of NCPO has ‘denied’ the very announcement by army chief saying “army had a policy to encourage these students to take part as volunteers”

“Thai men are not slaves of the Military”

Since his declaration, Netiwit has received more than a thousand messages which are mostly threats to kill or beat him. “Their argued I was not patriotic enough” he said. One of death threats was from a soldier in the troubled southern provinces. The provinces, popularly known as “Deep South” have witnessed the renewed insurgency since January 2004 claiming 6,000 lives for the past decade. Last December, Internal Security Operation Command (ISOC) has said security personnel in the Deep South would be cut in 2016 by more than 1,400 personnels to make 69,295”, which number includes conscript soldiers although percentage has not been revealed. Many of conscript soldiers are from poverty-stricken ‘Issarn’ (the country’s North East), where anti-coup movement have established a foothold.

According to the English Daily <The Nation> report, the chief of the 26^th Army Military circle, Maj General Dech-udom Nicharat “urged young men to report to authorities to serve their country”. The report suggested that 900 of 21-year-olds have avoided registering for military conscription in the Northeast province of Buriram – bordering with Cambodia– in 2015. The punishedment is upto 3 years in jail under section 27 in conjuction with section 45 of the Military Service Act. And those who evade the newly passed Reserve Forces Act would face even harshier sentence, 4 years.

“I can’t say I am ready to go to jail as of now. I hope there would be an alternative way I can do. But if no choice, I might have to go” said Netiwit.

His father once talked of “paying money”. Yet, Netiwit opposed it because it’s corrupt way. “The poor can’t pay the money. It’s not fair, not just”. Netiwit said his family is low middle class and respect his decision.

Netiwit, who said is interested in the US’s presidential hopeful Bernie Sanders, is not aggressive to advocate abolishment of conscription. He thinks “too radical change” would not work in Thailand. “Step by step” he said. For the time being he supports ‘alternative civilian service’, which has been practiced in several countries including Switzerland. Sometime in 2014, Netiwit met a Switzerland youth in India where the youth did volunteer for NGO as an alternative civilian service. That looked definitely alternative to Netiwit, who wants to learn about “living among people who think differently” because it’s “contemporary issue”.

“Also” he said “small army would be more effective. But Thai army is too big and against Thai people. They killed many of them”.

The idea of ‘conscientious objector’ is new for Thai society. “The fear of prosecution by military court, the beating and bullying by officers once recruited in the barrack is wide spread” said writer Pakawadee. She has emphasized “much support is needed for Netiwit when the time comes for his conscription age”

Would there be a way out set for the Thailand’s only conscientious objector in two years? Little sign provoking ‘yes’.

(Update) – 2년전 어제(3/12) 태국무슬림인권변호사 솜차이 닐라파이짓(Somchai Neelapaijit)은 자신의 차량에서 5명의 경찰에 강제로 끌려나온뒤 사라졌다. 솜차이는 당시 태국남부 분쟁주에서 반군혐의를 받던 무슬림 청년들의 변호를 맡고 있었다. 유엔기구에 따르면 태국에선 1980년 이후 82명이 강제실종됐다. 단한건도 진실이 밝혀지지 않았고 누구도 처벌받지 않았다. 여전히 강제실종이 발생하는 이유다. 옥외행동이 철저히 금지된 요즘 방콕의 한 까페에서 관련한 아트전시회가 이 문제를 조명했다. 참고로, 솜차이아내 앙카나(Angkhana Neelapaijit)는 2006년 광주인권상을 수상했고 그의 투쟁은 2008년 광주 MBC에서 다큐로 상영된 바 있다.

March 12 (Sat) was the 12th anniversary of enforced disappearance of the human rights lawyer Somchai Neelapaijit in Thailand. He has gone missing during the time when he represented Muslim defendants in terrorism cases in the country’s troubled South in 2004. Thaksin Sinawatra, who was ousted by military coup in 2006, was the then Prime Minister. On January 13, 2006, Thaksin  has reportedly said that state officials were involved in Somchai’s abduction and killing :

“The DSI [Department of Special Investi-gation] is working on this case and murder charges are being considered. I know Somchai is dead, circumstantial evidence indicated that … and there were more than four government officials implicated by the investigation.”

Thai penal code however does not recognize enforced disappearance as a criminal offence. So prosecutors “filed only assault, coercion, and robbery charges against the five police implicated in Somchai’s abduction”. In 2011, the Appeals Court ruled five police officers, who were thought to have abducted Somchai, not guilty. The decision was upheld on Dec. 29 2015 at the Supreme Court.

Somchai has become a symbolic figure of enforced disappearances of the country, where disappearing dissents or “suspects” has taken place in an unscrupulous manner till today under the military government. In fact enforced disappearances never disappeared in Thailand, particularly in Deep South, where renewed insurgency have been witnessed since January 2004 claiming 6,000 lives, and also up North. Even army officers have vanished in mysterious circumstances. Since 1980, the United Nations Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances has recorded 82 cases of enforced disappearance in Thailand who is a signatory of the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance since 2012. Yet the country hasn’t ratified it.

As a timely reminder, Thai artist Jirawut Ueasungkomsate has presented us those who have been forcibly disappeared in an unique art exhibition called This is Not a Political Act. It’s his first solo exhibition, in which he has selected 15 of the victims. The portraits in black and white and often blurry, to which spectator would torch-light on to appreciate, resonates thoughtful and lingering moments. It paradoxically reflects the reality isn’t and shouldn’t black and white. Even if you blame me ‘bad’ guy, that doesn’t make you ‘good’ one.

Here is the second half of the artist’s statement.

If our own freedom was taken away, what would be the righteous jurisdiction that can arbitrate “the absolute truth” when I see THIS but you see THAT? 

“This is not a Political Act” is the art work build on the essential of the liberty of choice, along with the question on the boundaries between art and political act. We can easily see the borderline with our own eyes, but in this deeper context : the process of our perception is the state of justifying thing on the lightness of defining : THIS and THAT, the artist’s intention and the spectator’ perception, the art and the political act. 

The exhibition lasts until April 3 at WTF Gallery & Cafe at 7 Sukhumvit Soi 51, Bangkok.

All rights reserved © Lee Yu Kyung / Penseur21

Artist and Victims families of enforced disappearances in Thailand stand together. Angkhana Neelapaijit (center) is a wife of the missing lawyer Somchai (© Lee Yu Kyung)

A bunch of Booklets featuring those who’ve gone missing is part of art exhibition : ‘This is Not a Political Act’ (© Lee Yu Kyung)

Somchai Neelapaijit has become a symbolic figure of enforced disappearance in Thailand. He has disappeared on March 12 2004 when he represented Muslim defendants in terrorism cases in the country’s troubled South as a human rights lawyer (© Lee Yu Kyung)

Journalist interviews a spectator in front of the portrait of Somchai Neelapaijit (© Lee Yu Kyung)

Candles shed lights on the names of the disappeared (© Lee Yu Kyung)

Mr.Arun Mong was abducted from his wife’s house at Saba Yoi district, Songkhla province by armed men in balaclavas on January 6. It was around 5pm when a group of four or five men forced Arun out him in their pickup truck – that was the last time Arun’s family saw him. Ms Tassani Mong, one of Arun’s daughters, said her father’s abduction could be related to the Narathiwas Pieng army camp arsenal robbery of 4 January 2004 (two days prior to the disappearance). She said that since he was a newcomer to Saba Yoi district, he was an obvious suspect in the eyes og the police. However suspicions were not based on any concrete evidence (© Lee Yu Kyung)

A spectator is reading booklet of ‘This is Not a Political Act’ which featuring Thailand’s enforced disappearance. (© Lee Yu Kyung)

Jirawut Ueasungkomsate, the artist of ‘This is Not a Political Act’. He emphasized the issue of enforced disappearance has not ended but continued today (© Lee Yu Kyung)

The exhibition lasts until April 3 at WTF Gallery & Cafe at 7 Sukhumvit Soi 51, Bangkok (© Lee Yu Kyung)

Thai Coup anniversary marked by a protest on Sunday, May 22  

Bangkok – The 2nd anniversary of the Thailand’s latest coup led by Prayuth Chan-O-Cha (the incumbent) in 2014 has been marked by a protest on Sunday at Democracy Monument in Bangkok. A crowd of anti-coup protesters have marched from Tammasat University to the Monument expressing “NO” to the Junta drafted constitution. Some of them were wearing “NO VOTE” T-Shirts. The referendum for the draft will be held on August 8 according to the Junta’s time table. The military government has warned a few times that any discussion about the draft and ‘no vote campaign’ would not be allowed.

During the Sunday’s rally protesters have chanted “Ti Ni Mi Khon Ddai”, which means “People died here”. In various political turmoils in recent decades, the Democracy Monument has been a place, where bloody crackdown has occurred. In April 10 2010 under the Democrats government, for instance, more than two dozens – mostly civilians with 6 soldiers – have died near the Monument as the army and Red Shirts were clashed.

This year’s anniversary has been organized by students-led New Democracy Movement (or NDM). Outstandingly however high turnout of the middle-aged citizens has been witnessed. The following photos were selected to expose more of those citizens, accordingly.

All rights reserved © Lee Yu Kyung / Penseur21

“Stop Violence” sign at the Coup anniversary © Lee Yu Kyung 2016

Last year, anti-coup protesters were violently taken by police as they tried to mark the 1st anniversary of the 2014 coup. © Lee Yu Kyung 2016

Anti-coup protesters gathered at Democracy Monument to mark 2nd anniversary of the coup © Lee Yu Kyung 2016

Rangsiman Rome, one of the key members of New Democracy Movement © Lee Yu Kyung 2016

Outstandingly, many of participants in anti-coup rally are middle-aged men and women © Lee Yu Kyung 2016

Outstandingly, many of participants in anti-coup rally are middle-aged men and women © Lee Yu Kyung 2016

Outstandingly, many of participants in anti-coup rally are middle-aged men and women © Lee Yu Kyung 2016

Outstandingly, many of participants in anti-coup rally are middle-aged men and women © Lee Yu Kyung 2016

Outstandingly, many of participants in anti-coup rally are middle-aged men and women © Lee Yu Kyung 2016

Anti-Coup activist made speech on the 2nd anniversary of Thailand’s latest coup © Lee Yu Kyung 2016

A woman wearing apron was among the anti-coup protesters on May 22. Outstandingly, many of participants in anti-coup rally are middle-aged men and women © Lee Yu Kyung 2016

Outstandingly, many of participants in anti-coup rally are middle-aged men and women © Lee Yu Kyung 2016

Outstandingly, many of participants in anti-coup rally are middle-aged men and women. The women in the picture was taking shelter from rain © Lee Yu Kyung 2016

Outstandingly, many of participants in anti-coup rally are middle-aged men and women © Lee Yu Kyung 2016

*Note 1 : AWP has removed email addresses of the five coordinators of Cultural Activists for Democracy (or CAD) that appeared in the Summary Letter below in the earlier report. The measure was taken with consideration for their security.

**Note 2 : On May 20, signatures that the CAD has collected have risen up from 118 to 209. However, AWP got ‘alerted’ by a third party that one of the signatories has “denied he signed it” given the person’s FB posting on that day.  AWP  has carefully examined the posting and all the comments under it in cooperation with a local partner journalist while checking the concerned parties of the CAD letter. AWP has concluded the person has complaint the way how media highlighted in their report of the CAD letter, not a “denial” that he signed it. AWP has understood the context of the person’s view which is upholding the artist freedom of expression, but raise an issue of the curating of this particular exhibition.

*** Note 3 : The CAD also sent the second letter (which AWP obtained) to Lim Jong-Young – the curator of Gwangju Museum of Art (or GMA) after they received first response from Lim, who then responded to it.

All these updates and latest development are reflected in the article.

One of the symbolic pictures of the Gwangju Uprising in 1980. The 5 year old boy named Cho Chon-Ho (now 41) holds a portrait of his father Cho Sa-Chun, who got killed during the Uprising.

More than two hundreds of ‘cultural activists’ issued the open letter to Gwangju’s exhibition organizers in South Korea asking about selection process of Thai artist’s work on the PDRC protest in 2013-2014

Bangkok, by Another Word is Possible – AWP 

Monday May 16, 2016 / Last update Friday May 27, 2016 

At first it was 118, who collectively called themselves “Cultural Activists for Democracy (or CAD)” as they have issued the open letter to Gwangju Museum of Art (or GMA) in South Korea on May 15. In the letter, the activists have raised questions with regard to the Thai artist Sutee Kunavichyanont’s participation in the ‘The Truth to Turn It Over’ exhibition at GMA. Signatories of the letter have been increasing since then to reach to 209 on May 20.

The exhibition under the title of ‘2016 Asia Democracy, Human Rights, Peace’ has been held on the occasion of 36th anniversary of the Gwangju Uprising (also known as “May 18 Uprising“), which refers to popular uprising against military dictatorship in May 1980 in South Korea. Protest all over the country had been unfolded in the lead up to Gwangju Uprising in May in 1980, during which the era of military dictatorship under Park Jung-Hee – the father of the incumbent, was being replaced by another military regime led by Gen. Chun Du-Hwan. Local media in South Korea have reported that the said exhibition was co-organized by the Museum and the May 518 Foundation as part of this year’s commemoration of the Uprising.

Poster of the Gwangju Exhibition : 2016 Asia Democracy, Human Rights and Peace.

The CAD activists expressed “concern regarding to Sutee’s artistic practice, political standpoint and the spirit of May 18 Gwangju Uprising” citing his participation in the People’s Democratic Reform Committee (or PDRC) movement in 2013-2014, which eventually brought the military coup in May 22 2014. The PDRC movement has become a corner stone of Sutee’s art work of “Thai Uprising 2013-2014”. This work is one of his four works exhibited at Gwangju. The PDRC movement – largely composed of conservatives elites, middle classes and some of the mobilized grassroots mainly from South – has blocked election process early 2014 in an attempt to prevent Yingluck Shinawtra from regaining power through democratic process.

Although the CAD activists stated that they “respect of freedom of expression”, it went on to say “however, at the same time we would appreciate your response how such an anti-democracy artist has been selected as a part of the commemoration of Gwangju democratic uprising”. The CAD has further demanded “the selection process and reason to be shown to the public”.

Among the signatories of the CAD letter is Apichatpong Weerasethakul, the world renowned Thai film maker who’s hailed from Issarn – the country’s impoverished North East. His feature film Uncle Boonmee Who Can Recall His Past Lies was the winner of the 2010 Canne Film Festival Palme d’Or prize. Other signatories include senior journalists, university lecturers, film makers and artists.

In the first telephone interview with AWP on May 16, the curator Lim has emphasized he got impressed by Sutee’s street art that contained similarity to the people’s art of South Korea during 1980s in particular. Mr.Lim, who was a cultural activist himself those days fighting against military regime, has valued it without consideration of political implication.

“I didn’t expect this kind of reaction from Thailand. We have received complaints from various individuals, some of which were forwarded through the 518 foundation. We will discuss this matter. We may consider of taking down one of the Sutee’s four works – the one relevant to the PDRC protest. But we need consent from the artist. We wouldn’t do it unilaterally because this is our mistake” he added.

AWP has learnt later that Sutee has refused to consent on taking down his work as GMA tried to obtain his nod. On May 18, Sutee has posted an open letter on his Facebook denying charges that he supported the military intervention (before the coup in 2014) and the military regime.

“I do sincerely believe that my activities and beliefs are perfectly consistent with the democratic aspirations of all those who participated in the Gwangju Uprising in 1980” he wrote.

According to Nikkei Asian Review report appeared on May 23 , Sutee again defended himself he “had raised money for the protest movement against Yingluck’s government but was not a part of the PDRC, despite sharing some of its aims”   

“I protested the corrupt government and I protested [an] amnesty bill that was going to give pardons to criminals and corrupt politicians. I asked for democratic reform. I didn’t ask for a military coup” Sutee was quoted in the article.

Sutee’s denial of being a part of PDRC while distancing himself from military coup has prompted criticism from various personnel. One of counter arguments has been emerged from Germany, where the Bangkok based German journalist Nick Nostitz was on a trip on May 20. Nick is well known figure among those keen observers of Thai politics as he’s been running through almost every street events for the past decade. He himself has been subject to physical violence by PDRC guards as well as to hate campaign launched by the group’s supporters.

“Calls for military intervention against the elected government were all too regularly voiced by protest leaders on the stages during the 2013/2014 protests, and also by protesters themselves, who then loudly cheered and partied the coup.” wrote Nick, who is fluent in Thai. “Stating today that he (Sutee) is not in support of the military coup is either a case of partial amnesia or a lame attempt of trying to save his rotten reputation” he slammed.

Nick also reacted to Sutee’s accusation the CAD activists of being “sympathizers of the Yingluck government”

“This is not about supporting one or the other political party, but about supporting the free choice of Thai people to democratically elect their government – a choice that Sutee and the other artists in support of the PDRC and the military coup deny their fellow Thai citizens.Therefor the accusation of Sutee Kunavichayanont being anti-democratic is an accurate description. I am glad that he has been exposed as such, and hope fellow PDRC artists will continue to be exposed.” 

One of the Artists called “Guerrillas Boys” staged a guerrilla performance on May 25 in a protest of Thai artist Sutee Kunavichayanont’s exhibition in Gwangju (Photo courtesy : Guerrillas Boys)

As the exhibition in Gwangju, which was launched on May 10, has been continuing meanwhile another protest has been popped up on May 25 when unnamed artist called “Guerrillas Boys” has staged a guerrilla style performance in front of Sutee’s work inside Gwangju Museum of Art. In a messenger interview with AWP late night of the protesting day, Guerrillas Boys – kept their secrecy and anonymous- said their protest aimed to take on both Sutee and Gwangju Museum of Art & its curator. They demanded GMA to exhibit their polaroid-printed-pictures that they attached to exhibition wall, along with Sutee’s work. The pictures, which have attracted hundreds ‘like’ within hours as pasted on Facebook has shown the masked artist holding a paper placard, which reads “This work still waiting “junta” create democracy for them!!!” 

Artists called “Guerrillas Boys” posted their polaroid picture showing a guerrilla performance to exhibition wall on May 25. This is a protest about the Thai artist Sutee Kunavichayanont’s exhibition in Gwangju (Photo courtesy : Guerrillas Boys)

Artists called “Guerrillas Boys” staged a guerrilla performance on May 25 in a protest of Thai artist Sutee Kunavichayanont’s exhibition in Gwangju (Photo courtesy : Guerrillas Boys)

Artists called “Guerrillas Boys” staged a guerrilla performance on May 25 in a protest of Thai artist Sutee Kunavichayanont’s exhibition in Gwangju (Photo courtesy : Guerrillas Boys)

“They have to exhibit our protest pictures as well as the CAD letter. That would be a true history about this exhibition on the record” Guerrilla Boys told AWP.

When asked if they knew about Gwangju Uprising, Guerrillas Boys replied “Yes, we know. Many people fought and died for democracy then. It’s opposite to what Sutee did”

Protest against the Sutee’s participation in Gwangju exhibition has not been excluded in South Korea either. ‘Khmer World’ – the online based Research Center of Cambodia and Indochina – has been vocally opposing it. Members of the Center have posted protesting letter on various government websites including the one of Gwangju Metropolitan City.

Juno Soe, director of Art Gallery Space O’NewWall Art Gallery in Seoul is also one of those who lamented the controversial exhibition.

“It’s absurd to invite such undemocratic figure for Gwangju event” said Juno Soe who’s been a curator of several exhibitions in South East Asia, including Myanmar and Camobodia and also Taiwan.

“I think South Korea doesn’t have comprehensive understanding of art and artists in South East Asia. So this happens when you ask somebody through somebody..to recommend artists rather randomly with little knowledge of them” Juno Soe asserted.

Gwangju has been responding one by one ever since the issue has become a hot potato. Despite their efforts to resolve the controversy, episodes have been ensued seemingly endless. On Thursday, Sutee and his supporters held a press conference at White Cafe in Thonglor – Bangkok’s rich suburb- where supporters of Sutee reaffirmed their firm side with Sutee. In a statement signed by 512 various professionals, the group has employed strong terms such as “character assassination”, “a previously unknown group calling itself..” “libelous slander” and so forth.

“Their libelous slander and repeated portrayal of Professor Sutee as a so-called “anti-democratic artist” is not merely poisonous and groundless but also severely damaging to his professional and personal reputation.” The statement reads. The game seems far from over.

Press conference supporting Sutee on May 26 (Photo courtesy : Prachatai)

“We are still receiving message from both sides” said the curator Lim on Friday. Time consuming though, he said he thoroughly checked and read all the messages he received.

“I hope this would be developed as a positive opportunity for us to learn. But I feel regret the fact that other artists (from Vietnam, Indonesia, the Philippines and South Korea) in this exhibition have not been as attracted as they deserve”

Lim said GMA is planning to invite one or two art historians – probably from the CAD group – to give opportunity for them to talk in Gwangju. It also considers of producing a material book of the controversy, in which views from all sides would be complied.

The exhibition will be continued till August 15.

——————————————————————-

Four attached are below

1) Summary letter by CAD on May 15

2) Full statement signed and issued by 118 activists on May 15

3) Follow-up requests by CAD and its updated signatures of 209 on May 20

4) Statement by 512 supporters of Sutee Kunavichyanont issued on May 26

1. Summary Letter / May 15 

Dear Sir/ Madam,

We would like to congratulate on the success of Gwangju’s art and cultural festival in commemorate and honor the annual anniversary of May 18 Uprising. As we realize that citizen of Gwangju has fought for democracy and continue to share its memories with international movements for democracy. We have learned that the cost of democracy is at the expense of ordinary people. And this lessen should be learned.

We, Thai Cultural activist for Democracy, would like to express our concern on the selection of Sutee Kunavichyanont’s work in the exhibition ‘The Truth to Turn It Over’ at Gwangju Museum of Art curated by Jong Young Lim. We request that the selection process and reason to be shown to the public. It should be noted that we respect the artist’s freedom of expression. However,  at the same time we would appreciate your response how such an anti-democracy artist has been selected as a part of the commemoration of Gwangju democratic uprising.

We would like to convey our concern as shown in our open letter to the curator and board of the Gwangju Museum of Art. We hope that our request would be reviewed.

In solidarity,

Cultural Activist for Democracy (CAD)

coordinators

2. Open Letter signed by 118 Thai Cultural Activists for Democracy (or CAD) / May 15 

With regard to a Thai artist Sutee Kunavichyanont’s participation in exhibition ‘The Truth to Turn It Over’ at Gwangju Museum of Art, we would like to express our concern regarding to Sutee’s artistic practice, political standpoint and the spirit of May 18 Gwangju Uprising.

It is clear that Sutee aligns with the People’s Democratic Reform Committee (PDRC) that has contributed to political crisis and the May 22, 2014 Coup. The PDRC is a movement intending to uproot Yingluck Shinawatra government by closing down streets of Bangkok, governmental offices, including blocking people to vote on the 2014 general election. The PDRC condemned that majority of Thai voters in provincial areas are poor and uneducated that could be bought by politicians. They also believe that the 2014 general election could only uphold the power of Yingluck government.  At the same time, denying to negotiate with government representatives, the PDRC demanded an unelected government appointed by the King, which is unconstitutional. In many ways, their actions led to military intervention. As a result, Thailand has lost its democratic regime since.

The PDRC looks over the fact that Suthep Thueksuban, a leader of PDRC, was formerly Deputy Prime Minister to Abhisit Vejjajiva Government, who deployed the army to disperse the United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship (UDD) protest camp in the heart of Bangkok during April 10-May 19, 2010. As a result, more than 100 died and almost 2,000 injured. Thai court rules that it is relevant that Thai army officials fired at civilians. While many UDD protesters are jailed and sentenced for violations of law, Suthep and his cabinet members are free, leaving the fact that not only the UDD protesters are killed and jailed but also ordinary people who has nothing to do with political motivation.

Some scholars refer to the April 10 –May 19 Crackdown as similar to Chun Doo Hwan’s suppression of Gwangju Uprising.  Even worst, many Abhisit government supporters believe that the UDD protesters deserve such violent suppression.

After the crackdown, Abhisit government dissolved the Parliament and called for a general election. Yingluck Shinawatra from Pheuthai Party (with support by UDD members) was elected and became the Prime Minister while Suthep became opposition party. Yingluck government tried to find a solution for national reconciliation by drafting amnesty law. Her government failed to pass the controversial amnesty law and caused the anger from many camps including PDRC fraction. Thailand has been in the stagnation of democratization since.

During PDRC’s Shut Down Bangkok campaign, Sutee and his artist friends organized Art Lane that raised fund for PDRC movement. Rather than promoting democracy and civilian rule, his project at GMA recites his contribution to the recession of Thai democracy such as posters using stencil techniques, T-shirts for PDRC supporters, and so on. The PDRC artists took over streets of Bangkok to block the February 2, 2014 general election, which sparks an opportunity for the military to seize the power from civilian government. Thailand, once a country with bright future for democracy in this region, has been fully controlled by aristocrats and military rule since May 22, 2014.

As Thai junta government has been heavily criticized by international community during the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) human rights situation in Thailand on May 12, 2016, its practices of human rights violation is continuing. However, PDRC artists continue supporting the Art Lane to raise fund for PDRC’s college. Sutee’s exhibition not only insulting Thailand’s democratic movements and the history of democratization but also the spirit of May 18 Gwangju Uprising.

We would like to question Jong Young Lim, the curator, and board of GMA on their selection process and the reason that lead to invitation of Sutee to participate in this exhibition.  We believe that the freedom of expression is important for the artist, but we want to express our concern that Sutee’s exhibition emerged from the fact that reversal to the spirit of Gwangju Uprising. In this regards, we would like to hear your explanation in respond to the people of Thailand and Gwangju.

In Solidarity.

3. Follow-up requests by CAD on May 20 

1) In order to understand the context of Sutee’s work, we would like the GMA to show our open letter to the audience alongside Sutee’s art work. We maintain that we respect the work and the artist’s freedom of expression. However, regarding the fact of Sutee’s participation with Art Lane as a part of the People’s Democratic Reform Committee (PDRC), which contributed to the fall of democracy in Thailand, the GMA should provide more information on the broader context, especially from different voices and perspectives.

2) We would like to explain the background on how anti-democracy artists, including Sutee, and their participation in the Art Lane and the PDRC movement contributed to violence and the destruction of democracy in Thailand. The fact that the Yingluck Shinawatra Government drafted a blanket amnesty bill in November 2013 drew anger from various factions both in the United Front for Democracy Against Dictatorship (UDD, the mass organization that supports Yingluck) and the PDRC movements, as well as non-partisan academics, cultural activists, and so on. People started gathering on the streets and fomenting anti-government rallies. Then Yingluck government dissolved parliament on December 10, 2013 and called for a general election on February 2, 2014. In other words, the Yingluck government listened and took corrective action in a democratic and peaceful manner. This is a very critical issue that Sutee and his supporters have never mentioned in their open letters.

It is the PDRC and their supporters that refused to participate in the 2014 general election. The PDRC and its supporters called for an unelected and royally-appointed government, which is unconstitutional.  Instead, they continued to block the streets of Bangkok, closed down government offices, and blocked people from voting by all means possible. As a result, the PDRC generated street violence in many sites across Bangkok. The term ‘Shut Down Bangkok’ benefitted the PDRC more than the ordinary people since this was one of their strategies to push the Yingluck government to the edge of democracy. As many scholars point out, the PDRC was (and still is) a network of elites that acted in concert and orchestrated a crisis until it paved a way for military intervention. We can provide you with a significant number of references on this issue in English to enhance the understanding of the public if requested.

One of the most significant of these instances of street violence was the Ramkhamhaeng Incident (a clash close to Ramkhamhaeng University, an open university in Bangkok) in November 2013. The incident started from a gathering of the UDD and its supporters at Rajamangkala Stadium, which was far away from the PDRC protest sites and close to the university. However, the PDRC supporters claimed that the UDD supporters insulted the emblem of Ramkhamhaeng University, the revered King Ramkhamhaeng, and condemned them. The PDRC argued that this constituted lèse majesté (violation of Article 112 of the Thai Criminal Code and a grave crime with a severe prison sentence) and called PDRC members to storm into the UDD protest site in Rajamangkala Stadium. As a result, at least three UDD supporters, one unidentified person, and one PDRC supporter were killed. More than 68 persons were injured.

The Ramkhamhaeng Incident stands as the very beginning of the second round of violence since April – May 2010 Crackdown. From November 2013 to May 15, 2014 the number of deaths grew to 25, including 8 police officers, and more than 782 injured. Most of the violence was fomented by hardline PDRC members.

3) We demand that the curator and board of the GMA publicly acknowledge their misunderstanding of the subtlety of the current crisis in Thailand as they have overlooked the facts mentioned above. This should be published as a letter in Korean, Thai, and English.

4) We demand that our correspondence including Sutee and his supporters to be published and archived by GMA for the sake of future compilation on the history of people’s struggle for democratization. The future generations will be the judges of our present actions.

In Solidarity

Cultural Activist for Democracy (CAD)  – Updated May 20

1. Abhichon Rattanabhayon Media studio
2. Akara Pacchakkhaphati Film maker
3. Angkrit Ajchariyasophon Artist/ gallerist
4. Anocha Suwichakornpong Film maker
5. Anurak Tanyapalit Freelance (New)
6. Anusorn Tipayanon Writer
7. Apichatpong Weerasethakul Film maker (New)
8. Aranya Siriphon Faculty of Social Sciences, Chiang Mai University
9. Ariya Pacharawan Graphic designer (New)
10. Ariya Theprangsimankul Theatre facilitator (New)
11. Arjin Thongyuukong Thammasat University (New)
12. ArjinJonathan Arjinkit     Artist/ lecturer, Rajanagarindra Rajabhat University (New)
13. Arnont Nongyao Artist (New)
14. Arthit Mulsarn Freelance (New)
15. Arthit Suriyawongkul Activist (New)
16. Artit Srijan Lecturer, Phranakorn Rajabhat University
17. Asira Panaram Content Editor (New)
18. Athapol Anunthavorasakul Lecturer, Chulalongkorn University
19. Atikom Mukdaprakorn Artist/ cultural activist
20. Attaphol Sudawannasuk Artist (New)
21. Ben Busarakamwong Cultural activist
22. Benjamas Boonyarit Student, activist (New)
23. Benjamas Winitchakul Architect (New)
24. Bordin Theparat Film critic (New)
25. Cattleya Paosrijaroen Film maker
26. Chai Siris Film maker
27. Chaiwat Wiansantia Artist (New)
28. Chaiyan Rajchagool Scholar in residence, Faculty of Political and Social Sciences,                                                                                                                    University of Phayao (New)
29. Chakkrit Chimnok Artist
30. Chaloemkiat Saeyong Film maker (New)
31. Chanan Yodhong PhD Candidate, Thammasat  University (New)
32. Chanin sriyoyod Lecturer, Arts and design, Chaiyaphum Rajabhat University (New)
33. Chayanin Tiangpitayagorn Film critic (New)
34. Chettapat Kueankaeo Theater director
35. Chiranuch Premchaiporn Journalist, director of Prachatai
36. Chontida Auikool Thammasat University
37. Chotchuang Meepom Lecture (New)
38. Chulayarnnon Siriphol Artist/ film maker (New)
39. Chuwat Rerksirisuk Editor in Chief of Prachatai
40. Chuveath Dethdittharak Institute of Human Rights and Peace Studies,                                                                                                                       Mahidol University (New)
41. Danaya Chulphuthiphong Photographer/ film maker
42. Ded Chongmankong Photographer
43. Dollapak Suwanpanya Activist (New)
44. Dontree Siribunjongsak Musician
45. Duangrit Bunnag Architect (New)
46. Duangrurthai Asanachatang Editor
47. Ekanop Suwannakosum Graphic designer/ lecturer, Chiang Mai University
48. Ekkalak Nabthuesuk Lecturer (New)
49. Farida Jiraphan Performance artist
50. Foyfon Chaimongkol PhD Candidate, Burapha University (New)
51. Gandhi Wasuvitchayagit Writer
52. Ina Phuyuthanon Lecturer, Faculty of Fine arts, Srinakharinwiriot university (New)
53. Inthira Vittayasomboon Cultural activist
54. Janit Feangfu Lecturer, Chiang Mai University
55. Jarunun Phantachat Theatre director (New)
56. Jirasak Monkiatkul Interior designer
57. Jirat Prasertsup Cultural activist
58. Jirat Ratthawongjirakul Gallerist (New)
59. Judha Suwanmongkol Independent art writer/ researcher (New)
60. Kahat Sujipisut Artist
61. Kasem Phenpinant Department of Philosophy,Chulalongkorn University
62. Kampanart Sangsorn Illustrator (New)
63. Kampol Champapan Historian (New)

62. Kanteera Sanguantung (New)
63. Karnt Thassanaphak Poet / documentary photographer (New)
64. Kasem Phenpinant Lecturer, Department of Philosophy, Chulalongkorn University
65. Kasiti Sangkul Film director (New)
66. Kavintron Sangsakron Performance artist
67. Keawalee Warutkomain Art director
68. Kengkij Kitirianglarp Lecturer, Chiang Mai University (New)
69. Kessarin Tiawsakul (New)
70. Kittima Chareeprasit Curator
71. Komluck Chaiya Lecturer,Phranakhorn Si Ayutthaya, Rajabhat University
72. Komtham Domrongchareon Lecturer, Silpakorn University
73. Kongkrit Traiyawong Lecturer, Walailak University
74. Korada Srithongkird (New)
75. 77. Kornkrit Jianpinidnan Artist (New)
76. Kornrapin Mesiyahdol Lecturer, Chiang Mai University (New)
77. Kriangkrai Patomnetikul Graphic designer
78. Krit Lualamai Writer
79. Krittawit Rimthepartip Writer (New)
80. Ladapha Sophonkunkit Performance artist
81. Ladda Kongdach Performance artist
82. Lakkana Punwichai Writer
83. Latthapon Korkiatarkul Artist
84. Lyla Phimanrat Gallerist
85. Makha Sanewong Na Ayutthaya Artist (New)
86. Mit Jai Inn                                       Artist
87. Miti Ruangkritya Artist
88. Mo Jirachaisakul Artist
89. Montri Toemsombat Artist
90. Nakin Poonsri Gardener (New)
91. Namfon Udomlertlak Film maker
92. Narawan Pathomvat Researcher (New)
93. Nataya U-Kong Lecturer, Silpakorn University
94. Nawapooh Sae-tang Critic
95. Nithinand Yorsaengrat Journalist
96. Nok Paksanavin Writer (New)
97. Nontawat Numbenchapol Film maker
98. Nopawat Likitwong Sound artist/ sound engineer
99. Noraset Vaisayakul Artist
100. Nut Sawasdee Artist (New)
101. O Techadilok                              Graphic designer
102. Orapakk Ruttphatai PhD Candidate, Social Science, Chiang Mai University (New)
103. Orawan Arunrak Artist
104. Ornanong Thaisriwong Performance artist (New)
105. Pakavadi Veerapasapong Translator, writer
106. Pandit Chanrochanakit Lecturer, Faculty of Political Science,                                                                                                                                  Ramkhamhaeng University
107. Panithita Kiatsupimon Graphic designer (New)
108. Panu Boonpipattanapong Writer
109. Panu Trivej Lecturer, Kasetsart University (New)
110. Paphonsak La-or Artist
111. Parinot Kunakornwong Artist
112. Pasakorn Intoo-Marn Performance artist/ lecturer, Mahidol University
113. Patara Padungsuntararuk Thaksin University, Songkhla (New)
114. Pathompon Tesprateep Artist (New)
115. Pattaranan Takkanon Lecturer, Faculty of Architecture,                                                                                       Kasetsart University (New)
116. Pavinee Samakkabutr Performance artist
117. Pawaluk Suraswadi Performance artist
118. Pawin Ramingwong Artist/ lecturer, Phayao University
119. Penwadee Nophaket Manont Indendent curator/ cultural worker (New)
120. Phonchai Iamnuy Graphic designer (New)

122. Phu Kra-dart Writer (New)
123. Pichaiwat Saengprapan Artist/ lecturer, Srinakarinwirot University
124. Pimsiri Petchnamrob Activist
125. Pinkaew Laungaramsri, Lecturer, Faculty of Social Sciences,                                                                                       Chiang Mai University (New)
126. Pisit Darnwirunhawanit Freelance (New)
127. Pisitakun Kuantalaeng Artist
128. Pitch Pongsawat Lecturer, Faculty of Political Science,                                                                              Chulalongkorn University
129. Piyarat Piyapongwiwat Artist
130. Pongjit Saphakhun                       Performance artist
131. Potjawan Panjinda Gallerist
132. Prach Panchakunathorn PhD candidate, Department of                                                                              Philosophy, University of Toronto (New)
133. Prakiat Khunpol Poet/ writer (New)
134. Prapat Jiwanrangsan Artist
135. Pratompong Namjaidee Artist (New)
136. Puangthong Pawakapan Faculty of Political Science Faculty,                                                                                       Chulalongkorn University
137. Ratapong Pinyosophon Playwright (New)
138. Ratchapoom Boonbunchachoke Film maker (New)
139. Rattanai Bampenyou Music teacher/ historian (New)
140. Rittipong Mahapetch Activist (New)
141. Rodjaraeg Wattanapanit Cultural activist
142. Ruangsak Anuwatwimon Artist
143. Sakkarin suttisarn/Assistant Lecturer, Faculty of Finearts, Chiangmai University (New)
144. Santiphap inkong-ngam Film maker/ lecturer, Chiang Mai University (New)
145. Saran Samantarat Lecturer, Department of Landscape, Faculty of Architecture                                                                                                                Kasetsart University (New)
146. Sathit Sattarasart Artist (New)
147. Sawit Prasertphan Artist/ lecturer, Chiang Mai University
148. Sina Wittayawiroj Artist
149. Sirawish Boonsri Art Teacher (New)
150. Sirichoke Lertyaso Photographer/ writer (New)
151. Siripoj Laomanacharoen Writer
152. Somchai Saejiu Creative director (New)
153. Sompoch Aung Artist

155.Sompong Leerasiri                           Artist (New)

156. Songkran Somchandra Lecturer, Chiangmai Rajabhat University (New)
157. Sorayut Aiemueayut             Lecturer, Chiang Mai University
158. Suchada Suwannasorn Film producer (New)
159. Suchart Swasdsri Writer
160. Sukanya Seskhuntod Cultural activist
161. Supachai Areerungruang Lecturer, Faculty of Fine Arts,                                                                                       Srinakharinwirot University (New)
162. Sutthirat Supaparinya Artist
163. Tada Hengsapkul Artist
164. Takerng Pattanopas Artist (New)
165. Tanaphon Inthong Artist (New)
166. Tanate Makkasakul Designer (New)
167. Tanyanun Aoiaree Graphic designer

168. Techit Jiropaskosol                           Designer/ lecturer (New)

169. Teeramon Buangam (New)
170. Teerapon Anmai Lecturer/ writer (New)
171. Teerapong Suthiwarapirak Writer
172. Teerawat Mulvilai Performance artist
173. Tepwuit Buatoom Artist (New)
174. Thanapas Dejpawuttikul Doctoral Researcher, Graduate Schoo of Asia-Pacific                                                                                                       Studies,  Waseda University (New)
175. Thanapol Virulhakul                   Choreographer (New)
176. Thanavi Chotpradit Lecturer, Silpakorn University
177. Thanet Awsinsiri Artist/ lecturer (New)
178. Thanom Chapakdee Lecturer, Faculty of Fine Arts, Srinakharinwirot University                                                                                                                                                       (New)
179. Tharit Tothong Critic
180. Thasnai Sethaseree Artist/ lecturer, Chiang Mai University
181. Thatchatham Silsupan Composer/ lecturer, Chiang Mai University
182. Thawiphat Praengoen Artist/ cultural activist
183. Thida Plitpholkarnpim Film distributor/ Writer (New)
184. Thitibodee Rungteerawattananon Artist
185. Torwong Salwala Media Content Creator (New)
186. Tossapon Tassanakunlapan Lecturer, Faculty of Law, Chiang Mai University (New)
187. Uthis Haemamool Writer
188. Uthit Attimana Artist/ lecturer, Chiang Mai University
189. Verita Sriratana Lecturer, Faculty of Arts, Chulalongkorn University (New)
190. Vichapon Diloksambandh Performance artist
191. Viengrat Nethipo Faculty of Political Science Faculty, Chulalongkorn University
192. Vipash Purichanont PhD candidate, Department of Visual Cultures, Goldsmiths,                                                                                                                                  University of London
193. Vorakorn Ruetaivanichkul Film maker
194. Wachara Kanha Film maker (New)
195. Warasinee Chansawang Gallerist
196. Wasu wanrayangkoon Performance artist (New)
197. Wattakorn Kawinkham Artist (New)
198. Weroon Wuthirithakul Cultural activist
199. Wichanon Somumjarn Film maker
200. Wichaya Artamat Theatre director (New)
201. Wirapa Angkoontassaniyarat Editor
202. Wiwat Lertwiwatwongsa Film critic
203. Worathep Akkabootara Independent curator/ writer (New)
204. Yingsiwat Yamolyong Film maker
205. Yingyod Yenarkarn Artist (New)
206. Yukti Mukdawijitra Lecturer, Faculty of Sociology and Anthropology,                                                                                                                                   Thammasat University
207. Yuthchack Damsuwan Creative director (New)
208. Yutthana Darakron                           Cultural activist

209. Yutthana Meesong Creative director (New)

4. Statement by 512 supporters of Sutee Kunavichyanont issued on May 26 

Open Letter to Mr. Jong-Young Lim

THE TRUTH – DON’T TURN IT OVER

We, the undersigned, wish to express our serious concern over the character assassination of Associate Professor Sutee Kunavichyanont by a previously unknown group calling itself ‘Cultural Activist for Democracy’. Their libelous slander and repeated portrayal of Professor Sutee as a so-called “anti-democratic artist” is not merely poisonous and groundless but also severely damaging to his professional and personal reputation.

We hope that you will not be misled by this attempt to exploit ‘political correctness’ as an instrument of censorship and sabotage of artistic expression, to destroy the life and career of a highly respected artist and academic, and man of courage and integrity, with a proven track record of fighting for democracy.

Yours Sincerely,

จดหมายเปิดผนึกถึงคุณ จอง-ยัง ลิม

“ความจริง-อย่ากลับหัว”

เราผู้ร่วมลงนามข้างท้ายนี้ ขอแสดงความห่วงใยอย่างสูงต่อการทำลายความน่าเชื่อถือทางวิชาชีพ เพื่อสังหารภาพลักษณ์ของ รองศาสตราจารย์สุธี คุณาวิชยานนท์ โดยกลุ่มบุคคลที่ไม่เคยมีใครรู้จักมาก่อนที่เรียกตนเองว่า “นักกิจกรรมวัฒนธรรมเพื่อประชาธิปไตย” (กวป.)

การหมิ่นประมาทสร้างภาพกล่าวหารองศาสตราจารย์สุธี หลายครั้งอย่างจงใจว่าท่านเป็น “ศิลปินต่อต้านประชาธิปไตย” ไม่เพียงแต่ไร้ข้อเท็จจริงและเป็นพิษภัย แต่ได้สร้างความเสียหายอย่างใหญ่หลวงต่อชื่อเสียงและอาชีพการงานของรองศาสตราจารย์สุธี เราหวังว่าท่านจะไม่ถูกชักนำให้หลงประเด็นโดยความพยายามครั้งนี้ที่จะอ้าง “ความถูกต้องทางการเมือง” (“Political Correctness”) มาใช้เป็นเครื่องมือเซ็นเซอร์การแสดงออกของศิลปิน ทำลายชีวิตและวิชาชีพของศิลปินและนักวิชาการผู้เป็นที่นับถือ ซื่อตรงและกล้าหาญ ผู้มีเกียรติประวัติการต่อสู้เพื่อประชาธิปไตยอันเป็นที่ประจักษ์ชัดต่อสาธารณชนมายาวนาน

ด้วยความจริงใจ

SouthEast OF NOW : Directions in Contemporary and Modern Art

Art isn’t always my ‘language’ that I can speak and read. Having operated journalism field myself for a bit over a decade, I’ve been all along seeking : ‘names’, ‘dates’ (with times), ‘where’ (with village names), sometimes ‘ages’ and most of all ‘where’s are proofs?’ And the kind. “Factually speaking” is one of my habitual spellings, although my works are almost always opinioned after all.

So, probably as a result of it, I confess that I have a problem when artists’ note too vague or too omitting to reach out. That subjectivity and / or individuality reflect in a way that art is commanding vast free world – and should. I do respect it. I do admire that freedom, which often is mine too. But maybe(?) that’s why Steven McCurry, the renowned photographer (undisputedly) working in photojournalism / documentary world for decades, has suddenly crossed over to what he calls now “Visual Storyteller”. He denied he was photojournalist. ‘Visual Storyteller’ isn’t that wrong terms, I perceive. But sounds more ‘freedom’ (including altering) than responsibility of editorial be legitimate under his self-granted new title. Yet, denial doesn’t answer to the questions over him as to WHY fabricated pictures were hanging on to the wall that was not supposed to display such great level of invention.

Likewise. When artists deny facts that have proofs, that is not my problem but his or hers. That is not fallen into artist freedom. But that is what I’ve sensed from the recent controversy surrounding the Thai artist Sutee’s exhibition in Gwangju. His denial of being part of PDRC is rather betrayal of the group in my opinion. One can regret the past deed, otherwise better to be coherent. Artists commanding idea n expression of course understand the context of the event and sequence. Very sad the talented artist Sutee has stepped on faux pas. I feel discomfort.

Last Sunday (June 5), there was an art event titled “Discomfort” in Bangkok. Discomfort was the second installment of SLEEPOVER project that has been going on at the Reading Room in Silom from 5-26 June 2016. The project is organized by SOUTHEAST OF NOW : Directions in Contemporary and Modern Art, which refers to A Journal due to launch this year. If I quote about the Journal :

“It was by a collective of scholars and curators with the aim of looking and listening closely to the discursive spaces in from, and around the region – South East Asia, from an historical perspective.

The Sunday’s event had a specific focus on “The Writing and Publishing of Contemporary and Modern Art in Southeast Asia”. Various topics, including art journals in the region, presented and discussed. However, during the Q & A it seemed unavoidable to talk of the Sutee & Gwangju controversy from the very first question. And our forever interest, freedom of expression!

Next platform of the Project will be : What does it mean to be Avant-Garde? : Claiming the Potential of Art and Public in Manila in the Seventies (Saturday, June 11 14:00-16:00 at The Reading Room, Bangkok). If anyone in Bangkok be interested in it, please find out more here

Some atmosphere of the Sunday’s event as following.

All rights reserved © Lee Yu Kyung 2016

Art journals presented by Japanese curator Keiko Sei (Documenta 12) (© Lee Yu Kyung)

Keiko said it was the first venue to present this. (© Lee Yu Kyung)

Wonderful translation by moderator Nunnaree Panichkul
(© Lee Yu Kyung)

We talking about this, aren’t we? (© Lee Yu Kyung)

Yes, Indeed. (© Lee Yu Kyung)

Library is Open (© Lee Yu Kyung)

Books just behind you, reachable (© Lee Yu Kyung)

Next Speaker, ajarn Thanavi Chotpradit (© Lee Yu Kyung)

Thanavi Chotpradit is an art Historian, who initiated the public letter to Gwaungju Museum of Art (© Lee Yu Kyung)

Audiences One (© Lee Yu Kyung)

Audiences Two (© Lee Yu Kyung)

Audiences Three (© Lee Yu Kyung)

Vuth Lyno, Artistic Director of Sa Sa Art Projects in Phnom Penh, Cambodia (© Lee Yu Kyung)

Recording is an Important Act (© Lee Yu Kyung)

‘Queen of Question’ of the Day (© Lee Yu Kyung)

Brian Curtin, Keen Observer of Thailand’s Art World (© Lee Yu Kyung)

Next Question from Bazinga! (© Lee Yu Kyung)

After question, sit and listening (© Lee Yu Kyung)

South East (Asia) Of Now, Discomfort Everywhere (© Lee Yu Kyung)

‘Friday pray’ was followed by simultaneous protest in three Asian countries of Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand. Their demand is to stop the military operation against Myanmar’s Rohingya, the world’s most persecuted minority.    

by Another Word is Possible   November 25, 2016  

Bangkok – More than 100 people have gathered in front of the Myanmar Embassy in Bangkok, Thailand to protest against the ongoing military operation on Rohingya Muslim community in Arakan State, western Burma. The operation has been intensified since October 9 when unknown assailants attacked three border posts. Having taken an excuse of this, Burmese troops have committed what the UN official even termed “ethnic cleansing” of Rohingya, whom the UN once described the world’s most persecuted minority. Rohingya have been deprived of citizenship and virtually every single basic rights as a human being in any modern society.

On November 23, International State Crime Initiative (or ISCI) has warned that “Aung San Suu Kyi is legitimizing genocide in Myanmar and has entrenched the persecution of Rohingya Muslims”. The Friday’s protest was simultaneously one taking place in Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand after ‘Friday Pray’. In Bangkok, it was organized by ‘Council for Humanitarian Networking of Sheikhul Islam Office‘ with high number of Rohingya participants. There was a protest also in Pattani, southern Thailand according to local media. Following pictures were taken in Bangkok protest.

11월 25일 인도네시아, 말레이시아, 태국 (방콕 & 파타니)에서 수백명의 시민과 로힝야 거주자들이 동시 다발 시위를 벌였다. 10월 9일 이후 계속되는 대로힝야 군사작전에 대한 항의 시위다. 현재 미얀마 서부 아라칸 주 군사작전 지역은 독립적 언론과 구호기관의 접근이 원천 봉쇄된 가운데 버마군의 방화, 살상, 로힝야 여성에 대한 강간이 계속되고 있다. 수천명의 로힝야 난민들이 방글라데시로 국경을 넘고 있지만 이중 다수는 방글라데시 국경수비대에 의해 다시 밀려 ‘헬 미얀마’로 쫓겨나고 있다. 아웅산 수치는 구호를 허용하라는 미얀마 내 외교가의 조언에 화가 났다는 후문이다. 런던에 기반을 둔 <국가범죄 국제연구소>는 24일 “아웅산 수치 정부가 로힝야 제노사이드를 정당화하고 있다”고 경고했다. 이어지는 사진은 방콕 시위 장면이다.

All Rights Reserved © Lee Yu Kyung 2016

Rohingya Protest Bangkok. Stop the Military operation. End the Ethnic Cleansing © Lee Yu Kyung 2016

Rohingya Protest Bangkok. Stop the Military operation. End the Ethnic Cleansing © Lee Yu Kyung 2016

Rohingya Protest Bangkok. Stop the Military operation. End the Ethnic Cleansing © Lee Yu Kyung 2016

Almost everybody taking picture or video their protest. Rohingya Protest Bangkok. Stop the Military operation. End the Ethnic Cleansing
© Lee Yu Kyung 2016

Organizer talking to packed media which one participant filmed. Rohingya Protest Bangkok. Stop the Military operation. End the Ethnic Cleansing © Lee Yu Kyung 2016

Police and organizer seemed to discuss what to not/do. Rohingya Protest Bangkok. Stop the Military operation. End the Ethnic Cleansing © Lee Yu Kyung 2016

Action just for a few minutes. Rohingya Protest Bangkok. Stop the Military operation. End the Ethnic Cleansing © Lee Yu Kyung 2016

Rohingya participants eager to show their pickets. Rohingya Protest Bangkok. Stop the Military operation. End the Ethnic Cleansing © Lee Yu Kyung 2016

‘Destroying mosque’ in Arakan state has become serious issue recently. Rohingya Protest Bangkok. Stop the Military operation. End the Ethnic Cleansing © Lee Yu Kyung 2016

Finalizing protest. Rohingya Protest Bangkok. Stop the Military operation. End the Ethnic Cleansing © Lee Yu Kyung 2016

Stop to Rape!! Rohingya Protest Bangkok. Stop the Military operation. End the Ethnic Cleansing © Lee Yu Kyung 2016

Somebody not aware of the picket was upside down as hurrily showing it because no more allowed for them to show it. Rohingya Protest Bangkok. Stop the Military operation. End the Ethnic Cleansing © Lee Yu Kyung 2016

Shaking hands to finalized protest. Rohingya Protest Bangkok. Stop the Military operation. End the Ethnic Cleansing © Lee Yu Kyung 2016

The man who said from Rathedaung, Arakan State can’t bear his emotion. Rohingya Protest Bangkok. Stop the Military operation. End the Ethnic Cleansing © Lee Yu Kyung 2016

Still eager to show the picket they brought. Rohingya Protest Bangkok. Stop the Military operation. End the Ethnic Cleansing © Lee Yu Kyung 2016

Eager to show their picket. Rohingya Protest Bangkok. Stop the Military operation. End the Ethnic Cleansing © Lee Yu Kyung 2016

Really done and leaving. Rohingya Protest Bangkok. Stop the Military operation. End the Ethnic Cleansing © Lee Yu Kyung 2016

세계/아시아 – 이유경 (프리랜서 국제분쟁탐사전문기자) | 신대승 E-Magazine 2017. 제7호 

지난 10월 6일 외신들은 “승려들 1976년 태국 학살의 추모행진을 이끌다”라는 제목의 기사를 내보냈다. 40년전 방콕 탐맛삭 대학과 인근 사남루앙 광장에서 벌어진 ‘탐맛삭 학살’ 추모행사에 관한 기사였다. AP통신 기사를 받아쓴 것이 많았는데 그렇지 않은 언론도 “승려”가 행위의 주체나 ‘리더’로 그려졌다는 점에서는 크게 다르지 않았다. 주최측에 따르면 이날 승려들은 추모식에 단순 초대받은 경우다. 모든 행사에 불교의식을 짧게라도 삽입하는 태국에선 흔한 장면이다. ‘불교’, ‘승려’ 등을 각별하게 바라본 건 국제언론의 오리엔탈리즘이 반영된 것이었다. 동시에 이 기사는 탐맛삭 학살을 둘러싼 태국불교의 아이러니한 장면도 비춰줬다. 2016년 일군의 승려들이 추모한 40년전 희생자들은 당시 또 다른 일군의 승려들로부터 혹독한 공격을 받았기 때문이다. 탐맛삭 학살 희생자들은 단 한번도, 단 한명도 이름이 기록되지 못했다. 태국 현대사 최대 금기로 남아있는 학살은 반란의 기운이 요동치던 70년대 한 복판에서 벌어졌다. 태국의 전투적 불교가 기승을 부리던 바로 그 시기다.

탐맛삭 학살의 아이콘 사진 ‘나무’에 목매달린 시위대를 향해 의자로 확인 ‘사살’하는 폭도추정 군중의 모습. 이 모습은 아크릴판에 인쇄되어 지난 10월 40주년 기념식 공간에서 전시되었다. © Lee Yu Kyung

금기의 역사 속 전투적 불교

태국의 70년대를 연구하는 이라면 예외없이 한 승려의 이름을 만나게 된다. 바로 키띠우도 (Kittiwudo Bhikku, 세속명은 ‘키띠삭 자런사따분 Kittisak Jaraensathabuwn’) 승려다. 키띠우도 승려는 1936년 생으로 21세 되던 1957년 출가했다. 불교사상 전파를 명분으로 여러 재단을 설립했고 방콕과 가까운 촌부리 지방에는 누비스 승려들을 위한 사원 학교도 개설했다고 전해진다. 그러나 그의 이름이 역사에 남은 건 부다의 가르침을 전파해서도, 승려들에게 교육기회를 제공해서도 아니다. 섬찟한 프로파 간다를 일삼은 극우반공주의 독설가로 그는 이름을 남겼다. 그의 악명이 잘 드러난 기록 중에는 1976년 자뚜랏 (Chatturat)이라는 매거진과의 인터뷰가 있다. 그는 이 인터뷰에서 “공산주의자를 죽이는 것은 책망받을 일(demeritorious)이 아니”라고 말했다. 또 공산주의자를 죽이는 것은 “승려를 위해 물고기를 죽여 요리하는 것과 마찬가지”라고도 했다. ‘생선을 죽이는 것은 작은 죄이지만 승려에게 시주하는 것은 보다 큰 선’이라는 논리다.

 “불교를 믿는 우리 태국인들도 좌파세력을 (죽임으로써) 단호히 척결해야 한다. 국가와 종교(불교) 그리고 국왕을 파괴하는 세력은 온전한 사람이 아니다. 따라서 그들을 죽이는 것은 사람을 죽이는 게 아니다. 사람이 아니라 악마를 죽이는 거라고 생각해야 한다. 이게 태국인들의 의무다”

키띠우도 승려가 살상을 옹호하면서까지 수호하고자 했던 건 국가, 종교(불교) 그리고 국왕(왕실)이다. 태국의 지배구조를 떠받드는 이 3대기둥을 위해 그가 살상해도 된다고 말한 대상은 “공산주의자”다. 표현은 “공산주의자”이지만 그 용어가 포괄한 범위는 노동자 농민 학생 등 반체제, 반정부 세력 모두를 가리킨 것이었다. 실제로 70년대 반정부 세력 중에는 공산주의에 대해 정확한 이해가 없었다고 말하는 이가 적잖다. 출라롱콘대 학생으로 탐맛삭 학살을 경험한 후 태국 공산당(CPT) 게릴라에 가담했던 언론인 피룬 찻와니쿤역시 “(당시) 공산주의가 뭔지 잘 몰랐다”고 말했다. “공산주의 국가 건설을 위해 싸웠다기 보다는 전체주의적 군부독재에 맞서 민주헌법과 자유를 위해 싸웠던 것”이라는 게 그가 밝힌 바다. 그러나 키띠우도 승려는 피룬같은 이들을 공산주의자로 몰아붙였고 “국가의 적”이며 “태국인이 아니(Non-Thai)”라는 프레임을 덧씌웠다. 해석이 필요없는 직설법 탓에 키띠우도는 태국 전투적 불교사에 가장 선명한 족적을 남긴 인물로 등재됐다.

그렇다면 당시 전투적 불교는 어떤 시대를 관통한걸까. 크게 세가지로 요약할 수 있다.

첫째, 쿠테타 전통이 공고화된 시기였다. 1947년 11월 7일 쿠테타 이후 도입된 보수적 헌법에 따라 태국 사회가 후퇴해갔다는 점은 <태국의 전투적 불교 1편 : 전쟁폭력, 국가폭력 그리고 체제의 협력자> 편에서 이미 언급한 바 있다. 47년 쿠테타는 하룻밤 잔치로 끝났지만 군인 독재자 피분 송크람 (Plaek Phibulsongkhram) 의 재집권을 촉발했다 (피분송크람은 1938년 12월 16일부터 1944년 8월1일까지 첫 총리직을 수행한 바 있다). 그 시점부터 1973년 10월 14일 민주항쟁으로 또 다른 군부 독재자 따놈 키띠카촌(Thanom Kittikachorn, 이하 “따놈”)이 쫓겨날 때까지 26년간 태국은 단 한번도 민간정부를 가져보지 못했다. 그 사이 쿠테타는 실패와 성공을 모두 포함하여 7번 발생했다. 1932년 입헌군주 혁명 이후 첫 4번의 쿠테타까지 합하면 총 11번이다. 권력투쟁의 성격도 있고, 진보적 인물로 평가받는 프리디 바뇨몽(Pridi Banomyong)정파의 ‘뒤집기 쿠테타’도1949년과 1951년 두번 있었다. 모두 실패했다. 심지어는 자기 정부를 스스로 뒤집는 ‘자가 쿠테타’(self-coup)도 있었다. 1958년 사릿 따나랏(Sarit Thanarat, 이하 “사릿”)의 두번째 쿠테타와 1971년 따놈의 쿠테타가 그런 경우다.

따놈 끼티카촌 : 1973년 민주항쟁으로 쫓겨난 군부독재자. 1976년 승복을 입고 귀환했다. 70년대 독재자와 손잡은 태국 불교는 국가, 종교,왕실 수호를 내걸고 폭력적 캠페인에 동참하며 전투적 불교의 선명한 족적을 남겼다. – 사진 : 위키피디아>

둘째, 왕실이 입헌군주국의 상징성을 넘어 ‘기능적으로’ 일부 복원되고 있었다. 1946년 6월 9일, 형 아난다 마히돈 (라마 8세)의 갑작스런 죽음으로 얼떨결에 즉위한 라마 9세 푸미폰 전 국왕이 시골 구석구석을 다니며 ‘현지시찰’하는 장면은 바로 50년대 후반부터 가속화된 장면이다. 1957년 쿠테타를 일으킨 사릿은 이전 피분 송크람 시대에 제한돼 있던 국왕의 활동을 공개적으로 재개하고 부추겼다. 뿐만 아니라 사릿은 1873년 출라롱콘 대왕 (Chulalongkorn, 라마 5세 : 20 September 1853 – 23 October 1910)시대 폐지됐던 큰 절 ‘그랍’을 부활시켰다. 그랍은 왕실가족 앞에서 일반시민들은 반드시 무릎을 끓고 머리를 땅에 대거나 구부정하게 앉아야 하는 깊은 절의 자세다. 시민을 ‘신민’으로 만드는 행위로 해석되고 있다.

그런 사릿을 푸미폰 전 국왕은 친애한 것으로 알려져 있다. 1963년 사릿이 갑작스럽게 사망했을때 국왕은 21일간의 추모기간을 선포했고그의 시체는 100일 동안 왕실의 관리를 받았다. 국왕 부부는 1964년 3월 17일 사릿의 화장식에도 직접 참석했다. 미 중앙정보국(CIA)이 적극 지원한 왕실 프로파간다는 국왕을 반신반의 대열에 올려놓았다. 태국은 동남아 공산화 도미노 현상에서 미국의 동맹국으로 남은 최후의 보루였다. 왕실은 군과 함께 반공애국 전선을 지키며 지배체제의 실질 권력자로 서서히 부상하고 있었다.

 셋째, 기층 민중들 사이에선 반란의 기운이 요동치고 있었다 (참고로 태국어 “파티왓Patiwat”은 혁명revolution, 반란rebellion, 정권교체 regime change까지 두루 담고 있다). 전투적 불교가 덩달아 요동친 건 이런 혁명적 기운에 대한 반동현상이다. 그동안 태국의 70년대는 ‘학생과 시민들의 민주화 운동’ 정도로 얼버무려졌다. 하지만 가장 거칠게 요동친 계층은 인구의 78% 정도를 차지하던 소농계층이었다. 게다가1965년부터 시작된 태국 공산당(CPT) 무장투쟁은 북부, 동북부 그리고 남부 일부지역에 거점을 넓혀가면서 70년대 중반 전성기를 구가하고 있었다. 그들은 ‘국가’에 저항했고, ‘종교’와 ‘왕실’을 인정하지 않았다. 지리적 상황을 고려하면 공산당의 무장 투쟁과 농민들의 반란모드는 상호상승 작용을 탔을 것으로 보인다. 농민들은 사릿의 뒤를 이어 권좌에 오른 따놈(Thanom Kattikachorn) 정부를 향해 농촌부채탕감과 쌀값 안정을 요구했다. 따놈은 미동도 하지 않았다.

소농들의 압박은 도심 학생들의 신헌법 요구 시위와 함께 1973년 10월 14일 민주항쟁 (이하 “십시 뚤라” – 10월 14일 이라는 뜻)에 큰 영향을 미쳤다. 이 항쟁으로 독재자 따놈이 망명길에 오르자 각계각층의 자기권리 찾기와 민주화 요구는 폭발적으로 쏟아졌다. 물론 ‘십시 뚤라’는 한계가 뚜렷했다. 1973년 10월 13일 방콕의 라차담넌 거리를 행진하던 수십만 행진대열에는 국왕 부부의 사진이 들려 있었고 승왕사진과 불교 깃발도 펄럭이고 있었다. 탐맛삭 대학 학생운동 지도자인 섹센 파세큰(Seksen Pasertkul)은 시위대를 이끌고 국왕에게 조언을 구하겠다며 왕궁을 향해 행진했다. 따놈 축출을 요구한 건 시민들이지만 결국 그의 하야를 ‘명령’하고 망명을 보낸 건 푸미폰 전 국왕이었다. 10월 14일 따놈이 물러나자 즉각 후속 총리를 임명한 것도 국왕이었다. 탐맛삭 대학 법대 학장이자 전 고등법원장을 지낸 판사 사냐 다르마삭티(Sanya Dharmasakti)가 독재자 따놈의 뒤를 이었다.

바로 이시기 민주화 요구가 봇물 터지던 73년부터 76년까지는 “짧은 민주화기간 3년”으로도 표현된다. ‘민주화 3년’은 그러나 반체제 세력에 대한 탄압이 활개치던 엄혹한 시기이기도 했다. 극우 민병대와 자경단 활동은 최정점을 향해갔고 정치적 암살이 횡행했다. 1974년 3월부터 1975년 8월 사이 암살당한 태국농민연맹(FFT) 지도자만 21명이다. 치앙마이 등 북부 지역 농민들이 주로 대상이 됐다. 그러나 농민들은 물러서지 않았다. 1974년 8월 납세거부를 선언하고 태국 시민권을 반납하겠다고 으름장을 놨다. 뿐만 아니라 자신들을 옥죄던 지주의 땅을 ‘소농들의 자치해방구’로 선포하기에 이르렀다. 이 운동을 주도한 태국농민연맹(FTT)은 1976년 10월께 태국 전역 72개 지방 중 41개 지방에 지부를 둘 만큼 전국적으로 세를 넓히고 있었다. ‘삼 프라산’으로 불리는 농민, 노동자, 학생 3주체의 연대도 고조되고 있었다.** 76년 9월 초 두명의 노동운동가가 또 암살됐다. 그리고 10월 6일 탐맛삭 학살이 벌어진 것이다.

70년대 중반 노동자, 농민 운동가 겨냥 정치암살 극성

이시기 극렬했던 극우 민병대는 크게 네 조직이다. 레드가우어(Red Gaurs), 나와폰(Nawaphone 혹은 Nawapol) 그리고 빌리지 스카웃(Village Scouts)과 빌리지 스카웃의 상위 조직격인 국경 수비대(Border Patrol Police)가 있다. 이 중 나와폰과 레드가우어는 1974년 국내치안작전명령부 (Internal Security Operation Command, 이하 “ISOC”)의 지원으로 창설됐다. ISOC은 1965년 국내치안담당을 내걸고 군내에 개설된 기구로서 70-80년대 반정부 세력 탄압의 소위 ‘컨트롤 타워’ 역할을 했다.

이들 민병대중 전투적 불교가 가장 직접적으로 관여한 조직은 나와폰이다. 70년대 미국 급진주의 운동가 린던 라루스(Lyndon LaRouch) 그룹이 창간한 대안적 인텔리전스 보고서 Executive Intelligence Review (EIR) 는 탐맛삭 학살에 대한 내용을 담고 있다. 1976년 10월 11일자 ‘태국의 CIA 쿠테타(CIA Coup In Thailand)’를 보면 나와폰과 레드가우어에 대해 다음과 같이 적혀 있다.

“(레드가우어, 나와폰) 그들은 체이스 맨하탄 은행(Chase Manhattan Bank)과 아시아 파운데이션 (Asia Foundation, 사실상 CIA 프런트 조직–필자)으로부터 직접적 제정 지원을 받는 불교단체들과 연계돼 있다”

그 “불교단체들”은 다른 어느 기록에서도 명명된 바 없다. 다만 키띠우도가 세웠다는 여러 재단들(foundations)일 가능성은 높아 보인다. 나와폰 ‘대변인 노릇’을 했던 인물이 바로 키띠우도 승려였다. 두 조직 모두 ‘애국 불교도’를 자처하며 반정부 세력 암살에 관여했다. 나와폰이 암살에 관여한 것으로 추정되는 인물 중에는 1975년 7월30일 전문적 저격수의 총에 암살된 태국농민연맹 부의장 인따 시분루앙(Intha Sribunruang)이 있다. 인따의 가족과 생존자들은 인따의 암살 배후로 줄곧 나와폰의 역할을 지목해왔다. 또, 인따 시분루앙의 장례식이 치뤄지던 그해 8월 4일, 태국 신문 ‘프라차띠파타이’ (Prachathipatai)는 “당시 치앙마이 주지사였던 ‘아사 맥사완 (Asa Meksawan)’이 인따가 암살당하기 전에 ‘사전 경고’를 내보낸 적이 있다”는 기사를 다뤘다. 기사에 따르면 아사 멕사완 주지사는 인따에게 ‘머잖아 농민운동가들을 겨냥하여 나와폰이 암살을 벌일 것이라고 경고했다는 것이다. 100명 이상의 암살자들이 준비 중이니 조심하라는 것. 이 시기 암살당한 또 다른 주요 인물에는 사회당 사무총장이었던 분사농 푸뇨디아나(Boonsanong Punyodyana)도 있다. 1976년 2월 28일 분사농이 암살당하자 그의 당을 포함하여 많은 좌파 운동가들이 태국공산당의 정글캠프로 발걸음을 옮기기 시작했다.

70년대 중반 횡행한 태국의 정치 암살에 대해 ‘상상의 공동체’ 저자 고 베네딕트 앤더슨(Benedict Anderson) 교수는 1977년 한 저널 기고*** 글에서 이렇게 적었다.

“태국에서 정치적 반대자를 겨냥한 정치 암살은 드물지 않지만 대체로 은밀하게 이루어졌다. 따라서 대중들은 무슨일이 벌어지는 지 잘 알지 못한다. 그런데 1974-1976년 사이 발생한 정치 암살이 놀라운 건 이 만행들이 상당히 공개적으로 이루어졌다는 점이다. 종종 통제력을 상실한 성난 군중들이 자행하는 암살 마저 벌어졌다”

한편, 나와폰은 암살 뿐 아니라 심리전과 홍보전에도 능했다. 이 조직을 이끌던 인물은 군 정보국 출신 왈롭 로자나와싯 중장은(Gen. Wallop Rojanawasit, 이하 “왈롭”)으로 알려졌다. 왈롭은 지금은 폐간된 <파 이스턴 이코니믹 리뷰>(Far Eastern Economic Review)와의 인터뷰에서 1953년 미국에서 심리전 (Psychological Warfare)를 공부하던 시절부터 나와폰 같은 조직에 대해 구상하기 시작했다고 말한 바 있다.

나와폰에는 극우승려들은 물론 정치인, 사업가, 군정보국 인사 등 태국 사회의 엘리트 계층도 참여했다. 이 점은 레드가우어나 빌리지 스카웃과 인적 구성에서 약간 차이를 보이는 부분이다. 일례로, 지난 10월 13일 푸미폰 전 국왕의 사망 직후 한달여 섭정 체제로 돌입했을때 섭정으로 자리를 옮긴 추밀원장 프렘 틴술라논다(Prem Tinsulanonda)를 대신하여 추밀원(Privy Council)장 직을 임시 물려받았던 이는 타닌 끄라이위치엔(Tanin Kraivichien)이다. 극우 반공주의자로 유명세가 남달랐던 타닌이 추밀원장에 오르자 언론이 주목했던 건 그가 나와폰 출신이었기 때문이다. 타닌은 탐맛삭 학살 당일 발생한 쿠테타 세력에 의해 임명 총리직을 맡기도 했다. 그의 투철한 극우 반공 이념이 임명된 주 이유였다는 분석이다.

나와폰에는 또 해외 유학파들의 참여도 눈에 띄었다. ISOC이 만든 것긴 하나 형식적으로는 와타나 키우위몬(Wattana Kiewvimol)이라는 인물이 창시한 것으로 기록 되어 있는데 와타나는 ‘미주태국학생연합’(Thai Students Association in the United States) 의장을 지낸 ‘미국파’ 엘리트다. 나와폰 대표의 ‘하이쏘’ 계급성과 이 조직이 의회 민주주의에 대해 반대했던 건 오늘날 ‘옐로우 vs. 레드’ 분쟁에서도 유사하게 투영되고 있다. 계급갈등, 계층갈등 그리고 지역 갈등까지 70년대 부상한 분쟁 요소는 오늘의 분쟁요소이기도 하다. 태국 역사학자이자 탐맛삭 학살을 경험한 통차이 위니차쿤 위신콘신대 교수는 지난 10월 고국 방문 길 방콕포스트와의 인터뷰에서 “혹뚤라 (탐맛삭 학살)와 2010년 레드셔츠 학살은 유사성이 있다”고 말했다. “(두 사건 모두) 잔인함의 정도, 시위대가 어떤식으로 죽어갔는가 하는 점 그리고 역사가 이들을 어떻게 대우하고 있는 점”등을 보면 그렇다는 얘기다. 통차이 교수가 입밖에 내지는 않았지만 가해자 영역에 함부로 말할 수 없는 ‘성역’이 존재한다는 점도 40년을 뛰어 넘는 두 사건의 유사점으로 남아 있다. 물론 온전히 똑같은 역사가 반복되었다는 의미는 아니다.

민병대 극우반공폭력 노선에 함께 한 전투적 불교

또 다른 극우조직 레드 가우어(Red Gaur 혹은 “크라팅 댕”) 역시 순사이 하스딘(Maj. Gen. Sudsai Hasdin) 이라는 전 군 정보국 인사가 관여한 조직이다. 1974년 레드 가우어 창설 당시 순사이는 ISOC의 소령이었다. 그는 훗날 프렘 정부하에서 (1980년 3월 – 1988년 4월) 총리실 장관직까지 역임했다.

레드 가우어는 벌건 대낮에도 물리적 폭력을 마다하지 않을 만큼 대단히 폭력적인 조직이다. 주로 직업학교 학생들(태국의 직업학교 Vocational colleage는 제도상 한국의 상공업계 고등학교와 유사), 고교 중퇴자들 등 비교적 어린 청소년들도 푼돈을 받고 폭력에 고용됐다. 그리고 무엇보다 베트남전 참전 용사 등 군인출신들이 주 구성원이었다. 레드 가우어는 1975년 4월 총선 직후 진보정당 신세력당 (New Forces Party) 사무실에 폭탄공격을 한 바 있다. 그해 8월 탐맛삭 대학에 무단 침입하여 난장판을 만든 전력도 있다. 노동자들 파업현장, 학생 농민 시위현장에 나타나서 난장판을 만드는 것도 이들의 주 업무였다.

레드가우어가 주로 도심에서 활동을 벌였다면 시골 지역에서는 빌리지 스카웃이 유사한 역할을 했다. 그러나 스카웃은 국경순찰대(Border Patrol Police)의 영향력 하에 있었고 이들로부터 군사훈련도 받는 등 레드가우어 보다는 좀 더 격식 갖춘 조직이었다. 빌리지 스카웃은 1971년 국경순찰대와 내무부가 같이 신설한 조직이다. 국경 순찰대가 반군작전의 임무를 띈 만큼 빌리지 스카웃 역시 대 공산반군 작전에 동원되기도 했다. 이들 행사에는 유독 국왕 부부와 최근 라마 10세로 추대된 신임 국왕 와지라롱콘 당시 왕세자가 자주 등장하며 스카프와 깃발을 직접 수여하기도 했다. 따놈 정부의 발표를 인용한 AP보도는 매월 9만명 이상이 빌리지 스카웃에 동참한다고 했으나 이 엄청난 숫자를 확인할 길은 없다. 국경순찰대가 빌리지 스카웃을 위해 마련한 훈련 프로그램은 정치성이 짙었다. 그 훈련을 담당한 이들 중에는 극우 승려들이 포함돼 있었다.

70년대 빌리지 스카웃을 만나는 전 푸미폰 국왕. 빌리지 스카웃의 공식 행사에는 유독 왕실가족들의 등장이 잦았다.  – 출처 미상>

한편, 여러 관련 자료에는 라오스에서 CIA가 지원한 대 반군전쟁에 참여했던 위툰 야사왓(Vitoon Yasawat)이라는 태국 사령관이 자주 거론된다. 그는 빌리지 스카웃과 레드가우어를 두루 지휘한 것으로 보인다. 탐맛삭 학살이 벌어지던 10월 5일부터 6일까지 방콕 안팎에서 그의 모습이 목격됐던 것으로 전해진다. 이밖에도 1976년 초부터 이미 학생들에게 ‘폭력을 행사한’ 이들 중에는 ‘탐맛삭대학 불교와 문화 협회’라는 학내 불교 조직도 있었다.

극우 민병대 빌리지 스카웃 정치교육 담당 : 극우 승려들

따놈의 귀환 : 반대하는 민중 VS. 환영하는 왕실

<탐맛삭 대학 교문근처 구석에 작게 세워진 탐맛삭학살 기념물. 학살이 발생한 시대 잔인한 선동을 주도했던 태국의 전투적 불교는 이후 단 한번도 사과나 인정을 한 바 없다. © Lee Yu Kyung

탐맛삭 학살을 촉발한 직접적 계기는 3년전 쫒겨났던 따놈 그리고 따놈과 함께 쫒겨났던 부총리 프라파스 초루사띠엔(Praphas Charusathien, “이하 프라파스)의 귀환이었다 (둘은 심지어 사돈지간이다). 8월 프라파스가 먼저 타이완에서 도착했다. 그리고 따놈이 9월 싱가포르에서 들어왔다. 승복을 입고 돌아온 따놈이 직행한 곳은 ‘왕실 관리’ 사원인 방콕의 보웬니웬 사원이었다. 그를 맞이한 건 국왕 부부였다. 10월 2일에는 호주에 머물던 와지라롱콘 왕세자까지 급귀국하여 보엔니엔 사원을 찾았다. 그 역시 승려가 된 따놈에게 경의를 표했다.

 독재자의 귀환을 환영하는 왕실가 분위기와 달리 시민들의 분노는 폭발직전이었다. 3년전 이룩한 민주화 성과가 흠집났다는 절망감도 있었고, 그 3년간 성장한 민주주의와 진보에 대한 의식도 얼마나 큰 분노로 뭉쳤을지 짐작할 수 있다. 그러던 중 9월 24일 따놈 축출을 요구하던 두명의 노동운동가 살해된 채로 발견됐다. 그리고 10월 6일 탐맛삭 학살이 벌어지기까지 태국은 그야말로 매일 폭풍전야를 맞고 있었다. 5-6일로 넘어가는 새벽 나와폰과 국경수비대, 레드가우어가 대학 캠퍼스에 들이닥치며 캠퍼스는 생지옥으로 변했다.

극우 승려 키띠우도의 프로파간다는 10월 6일 학살 당일에도 계속됐다. 그는 군이 운영하는 라디오 방송 ‘얀 크로’ (“장갑차” 라는 뜻)를 통해 계속 선동했다.

“방콕에 있는 시민 여러분 공산주의자들을 죽이십시오. 그게 바로 국가와 불교와 국왕을 지키는 길입니다”

이 ‘장갑차’ 라디오를 통해 선동한 인물 중에는 사막 순다라웨(Samak Sundaravej) 전 총리도 있다. 그는 당시 민주당 소속 내무부 차관이었다가 학살 하루전인 5일 같은 당 의원 3명이 “공산주의자”라고 ‘폭로’하며 항의의 뜻으로 차관직을 사퇴했다. 사막은 탐맛삭 학살 후 들어선타닌 정부의 내무부 장관으로 되돌아왔다. 훗날 줄을 바꿔 탄 사막은 2008년에 친탁신계 정당인 피플파워당 정권의 총리직을 역임했던 건 왕당파로부터 공격을 완충해보고자 했던 탁신전 총리의 영악한 선택이었다. 사막이 총리직에 오르자 그의 과거가 논란이 됐다. 사막 전총리는 2008년 9월 초 CNN, 알자지라 와의 언터뷰에서 탐맛삭 학살 당시 역할을 부인했다. 또, “운 없는 놈(unlucky guy) 단 한명 죽었을 뿐”이라고 말했다. 그리고는 이렇게 덧붙였다.

“극우가 어때서? 극우는 왕과 함께, 극좌는 공산주의자와 함께였다”

1976년 10월 6일 상황에 대해서는 그당시 탐맛삭대 총장이었던 푸어이 웅파콘 (Puey Ungphakorn)박사의 글이 생생한 기록으로 남아있다. 푸어이 박사는 학살 직후 항의의 표시로 총장직을 사퇴했고 극우세력의 살해협박을 피해 영국으로 망명을 떠났다. 학살 이듬해인 그가 발표한 글 “태국의 폭력사태와 군사쿠테타”(Violence and the Military Coup in Thailand)는 다음과 같은 내용이 담겨있다.

“새벽 2시 35분 : 레드가우어 멤버 일부는 학생 사수대에게 심경의 변화가 있다며 학생들을 지지하는 듯 말하며 건물안으로 들어섰다. 그러나 그들은 건물안에 들어서자 마음이 변했다.”

“오전 10시 : 좀 더 많은 학생들이 극우민병대의 의해 (탐맛삭 대학) 축구장으로 끌려나왔다. 극우 폭도들은 시체를 발로 차고 불교문양을 찢으면서 이렇게 말했다. ‘이 공산주의자들은 진정한 불교도가 아니다’”

“저녁 6시 : 왕세자는 빌리지 스카웃 대원들을 정부청사로 불러 모았고 해산해도 좋다고 말했다. 그리고는 ‘국가행정개혁위원회’란 이름을 내건 한 무리의 군인들이 정권을 접수했다는 발표가 이어졌다. 게엄령이 선포됐다. 방콕의 의회 정치 실험 3년은 그렇게 종료됐다”

“공산주의자들은 진정한 불교도가 아니다” 

 70년대 “공산주의자”로 몰렸고, 고로 “진정한 불교도가 아니었던” 학생 운동가 중에는 파이산이란 인물이 있다. 파이산은 탐맛삭 학살의 후유증을 딛고 1983년 출가하여 프라 파이산 위살로(Phra Paisal Visalo)라는 법명으로 다시 태어났다. 그리고 현재 동북부 차이야분(Chaiyaphum) 지방에 있는 수카토 정글 사원(Sukato Forest Monastery)의 주지승으로 있다. 그는 참여불교(Engaged Buddhism)에 깊이 관여하고 있으며 왕성한 기고, 저술활동도 하고 있다.

 극우 반공주의와 결탁한 전투적 불교의 폭력을 살아낸 그가 최근 인종청소까지 가담하는 미얀마의 전투적 불교를 보며 페이스북에 장문의 글을 남겨 화제가 된 적이 있다. 2013년 미얀마 중북부 지방에서 발생한 멕띨라(Meiktila) 학살 직후였다. 그는 두나라 불교도 모두에게 가하는 호소어린 일침을 가했다.

 “인구 4%밖에 되지 않는 무슬림들이 미얀마를 정복할 거라고?..무슬림을 탓하지 마라. 불교도 자신을 먼저 돌아보라. 불교를 정말 보호하고 싶다면 우리는 미얀마 불교도 형제들에게 정신 차리라고 말해야 한다. 무슬림 형제들에게 이제 그만 폭력을 중단하라고”

 *아시아의 전투적 불교 제 5화–태국 3편에서는 <‘군인승려’ ‘군인사원’ : 키띠우도의 환생과 태국남부의 전투적 불교>가 이어집니다.

**1973-76년 사이 태국 농민들의 저항에 대해서는 호주국립대(ANU) 연구원인 티렐 하버콘(Tyrell Haberkorn)의 저서 <혁명 저지당하다 Revolution Interrupted : Farmers, Students, Law, and Violence in Northern Thailand> (Madison University of Wisconsin Press 2011)의 일독을 권한다. 이 시기를 가장 잘 기록한 책이다.